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see [[Naval warfare]]

==First guns: 15th century==

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The first authenticated mention of a naval gun came in the early 15th century, shortly after the appearance of land-based artillery. Italian and English warships carried guns by 1440. They were about 4 feet long with 4-inch caliber.<ref> Kelly R. DeVries, "A 1445 Reference to Shipboard Artillery," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 31, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 818-829 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28199010%2931%3A4%3C818%3AA1RTSA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8 in JSTOR]</ref> The early guns were simple tubes built up from long bars of iron held together with iron bands. These guns were breechloaders with a separate [[gunpowder]] chamber, or servidor, which was wedged into the breech after the stone or iron cannon ball, had been inserted. Muzzle-loading cast-bronze guns came into use soon after the wrought-iron breechloaders. Cast-iron guns came into being soon after cast-bronze guns. Despite distinct advantages of cast iron, its heaviness, the rust factor and the great danger to crewmen when it burst meant that for centuries heavy cast-iron and lighter cast-bronze guns (which split rather than burst) were both used.

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The first authenticated mention of a naval gun came in the early 15th century, shortly after the appearance of land-based artillery. Italian and English warships carried guns by 1440. They were about 4 feet long with 4-inch caliber.<ref>Kelly R. DeVries, "A 1445 Reference to Shipboard Artillery," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 31, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 818-829 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28199010%2931%3A4%3C818%3AA1RTSA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8 in JSTOR]</ref> The early guns were simple tubes built up from long bars of iron held together with iron bands. These guns were breechloaders with a separate [[gunpowder]] chamber, or servidor, which was wedged into the breech after the stone or iron cannon ball, had been inserted. Muzzle-loading cast-bronze guns came into use soon after the wrought-iron breechloaders. Cast-iron guns came into being soon after cast-bronze guns. Despite distinct advantages of cast iron, its heaviness, the rust factor and the great danger to crewmen when it burst meant that for centuries heavy cast-iron and lighter cast-bronze guns (which split rather than burst) were both used.

In the mid-16th century, cast-iron, cast-bronze, and banded wrought-iron guns were all used aboard ship, as is evidenced by the salvage of the ''Mary Rose'' the flagship of English King [[Henry VIII]] (sunk in 1545 and salvaged in 1836) which contained guns of all three types. Arrows and stones, used in early guns, gave way to cast-iron balls.<ref>David Childs, "Shock and Oar: Mary Rose and the Fear French Galleys," ''History Today'' 57#4 (April 2007) pp 41+. [http://www.questia.com/read/5021460836 online edition]</ref>

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As guns were added to ships, the architecture of the ships was modified radically. Small oar-driven galleys gave way to larger ships powered by sails. In the Mediterranean, the galleass, which used both oars and sails, came into widespread use. Its guns were arranged at intervals along the sides and over the rowers' heads. In the North Atlantic, the galleys were abandoned in favor of small sailing vessels which gradually gave way to larger ships, such as the half-moon shaped galleons. The sailing ship had the advantage that the guns did not interfere with rowers. Large sailing vessels were built with sides curving inward ("tumbled home") above the waterline, thereby strengthening the ship and making it a more steady gun platform, while offering a sloping target to enemy shells.

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The gunport, which could remain watertight when closed, was invented by Descharges of Brest, in 1501.<ref>Alexander McKee, ''King Henry VIII's Mary Rose'' (1974) p. 23</ref> They made it possible to post guns on different decks along the sides of the vessel and marked an important step toward the development of the broadside ship. One of the earliest of large armed ships, the new Swedish ''Makalos'', destroyed by the Danes in 1564, carried 178 guns, including 67 cannons and smaller weapons which were mounted on swivels. The Spanish ''Philip'' which engaged the English in 1591 carried three tiers of guns on each side with eleven pieces to the tier. This ship also had eight guns forward and several astern. The heaviest gun then in use in the English Navy was the culverin weighing 4,500 pounds (2,000 kg) and firing a 17-pound (8-kg) ball with an extreme range of 2,500 yards. Next in size was the demicannon weighing 4,000 pounds (1,800 kg), which fired a 30-pound (14-kg) ball to 1,700 yards; smaller guns included the cannon-petroe or periers, sakers, minions, and falconets. The maximum range of these guns was at best 500 yards. The shells wobbled in flight, losing velocity as they sliced off in any which direction.<ref>Effective range became much greater once rifled guns were introduced after 1850. John F. Guilmartin, Jr. "The Guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,"'' ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), p. 563 </ref>

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The gunport, which could remain watertight when closed, was invented by Descharges of Brest, in 1501.<ref>Alexander McKee, ''King Henry VIII's Mary Rose'' (1974) p. 23</ref> They made it possible to post guns on different decks along the sides of the vessel and marked an important step toward the development of the broadside ship. One of the earliest of large armed ships, the new Swedish ''Makalos'', destroyed by the Danes in 1564, carried 178 guns, including 67 cannons and smaller weapons which were mounted on swivels. The Spanish ''Philip'' which engaged the English in 1591 carried three tiers of guns on each side with eleven pieces to the tier. This ship also had eight guns forward and several astern. The heaviest gun then in use in the English Navy was the culverin weighing 4,500 pounds (2,000 kg) and firing a 17-pound (8-kg) ball with an extreme range of 2,500 yards. Next in size was the demicannon weighing 4,000 pounds (1,800 kg), which fired a 30-pound (14-kg) ball to 1,700 yards; smaller guns included the cannon-petroe or periers, sakers, minions, and falconets. The maximum range of these guns was at best 500 yards. The shells wobbled in flight, losing velocity as they sliced off in any which direction.<ref>Effective range became much greater once rifled guns were introduced after 1850. John F. Guilmartin, Jr. "The Guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,"'' ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), p. 563</ref>

Technique for using guns in battle was described as follows in a Spanish lecture of about 1530: Bow guns or broadside guns on the side from which boarding was planned were fired only when the ships were relatively close to each other, the lower guns firing at the waterline and the upper guns and smaller cannon at the sides, sails, masts, and men on the poop deck. The crossbowmen and harquebusiers did not fire until the enemy was very close or in the act of boarding.

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The decisive role of the new guns was shown in a sea fight off Preveza, Greece, in 1538 and was confirmed in the victory of the Christians over the Turks in the [[Lepanto, battle of|Battle of Lepanto]] in 1571. At Lepanto, heavy guns mounted on the galleasses, broke up the charges of Turkish vessels. Small arms such as harquebues, were probably more important than bows and other hand weapons in close-range fighting. Spanish novelist [[Miguel de Cervantes]], hit three times at Lepanto by gunfire, has Don Quixote cry out, "Blessed be those happy ages that were strangers to the dreadful fury of these devilish instruments of artillery, whose inventor I am satisfied is now in hell, receiving the reward of his cursed invention." In 1588, the English repelled the [[Spanish Armada]] in part by using their guns from long range, which prevented the Spanish from closing for hand-to-hand fighting.<ref>Michael Lewis, ''Armada Guns: A Comparative Study of English and Spanish Armaments'' (1961) </ref> Thus, in the 16th century, the gun proved to be an important and sometimes decisive factor in naval warfare. This was formally recognized in 1618 when the English Commission on Naval Reform reported that sea fights were "chiefly performed by the great artillery breaking down masts, yards, tearing, raking, and bilging the ships. ..."

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The decisive role of the new guns was shown in a sea fight off Preveza, Greece, in 1538 and was confirmed in the victory of the Christians over the Turks in the [[Lepanto, battle of|Battle of Lepanto]] in 1571. At Lepanto, heavy guns mounted on the galleasses, broke up the charges of Turkish vessels. Small arms such as harquebues, were probably more important than bows and other hand weapons in close-range fighting. Spanish novelist [[Miguel de Cervantes]], hit three times at Lepanto by gunfire, has Don Quixote cry out, "Blessed be those happy ages that were strangers to the dreadful fury of these devilish instruments of artillery, whose inventor I am satisfied is now in hell, receiving the reward of his cursed invention." In 1588, the English repelled the [[Spanish Armada]] in part by using their guns from long range, which prevented the Spanish from closing for hand-to-hand fighting.<ref>Michael Lewis, ''Armada Guns: A Comparative Study of English and Spanish Armaments'' (1961)</ref> Thus, in the 16th century, the gun proved to be an important and sometimes decisive factor in naval warfare. This was formally recognized in 1618 when the English Commission on Naval Reform reported that sea fights were "chiefly performed by the great artillery breaking down masts, yards, tearing, raking, and bilging the ships. ..."

Iron sheets hung over the sides were used in 16th century Venice and Korea to protect against enemy fire; it gave a "tortoise" look. In the 1790s the Americans protected the frigate Constitution (Old Ironsides) with 22 inches of oak wood at the waterline, and 19 inches above the gun deck.

==Ships of the line==

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Mounting 60 to 80 heavy guns the battleships of the era, called "[[Ship of the line|ships of the line]]" had to grow bigger. Smaller and more flexible were the frigates. Both were redesigned to maximize firepower. The "Royal Sovereign", launched in 1637, was probably the first three-decked English warship and she proved extremely serviceable. Its builder, Phineas Pett, described its armament in his journal:<ref> Quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=YzwIAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA249&dq=Phineas+Pett++%22ten+pieces+of+chase+ordnance+%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1 William Morgan and Augustin Creuze, eds., ''Papers on naval architecture, and other subjects '' (1832) v4 #13 p. 249]</ref>

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Mounting 60 to 80 heavy guns the battleships of the era, called "[[Ship of the line|ships of the line]]" had to grow bigger. Smaller and more flexible were the frigates. Both were redesigned to maximize firepower. The "Royal Sovereign", launched in 1637, was probably the first three-decked English warship and she proved extremely serviceable. Its builder, Phineas Pett, described its armament in his journal:<ref>Quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=YzwIAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA249&dq=Phineas+Pett++%22ten+pieces+of+chase+ordnance+%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1 William Morgan and Augustin Creuze, eds., ''Papers on naval architecture, and other subjects '' (1832) v4 #13 p. 249]</ref>

: ''Her lower tyre [tier] hath thirty ports which are to be furnished with demicannon and whole cannon; her middle tyre hath also thirty ports for demiculverin and whole culverin; her third tyre hath twentie six ports for other ordnance; her forecastle hath twelve ports, and her half deck hath fourteen ports; she hath thirteen or fourteene ports more within board for murdering pieces, besides a great many loope-holes out of the cabins for musket shot. Shee carrieth moreover, ten pieces of chase ordnance in her right forward, and ten right aft, according to lande service in the front and reare.''

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The 19th-century warship was superficially similar to its 17th-century counterpart. [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]], the leading naval historian of the 1890s, greatly exaggerated the prowess of 17th century ships, endowing them with firepower, seakeeping capability, and crusing endurance of ships built in 1800. However much more is now known; for example the guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,'' a Portugese galleon that sank in 1668 have been recovered and analyzed by naval archaeologists.<ref> John F. Guilmartin, Jr. "The Guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,"'' ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), pp. 559-601 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28198310%2924%3A4%3C559%3ATGOTSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]</ref> Mahan assumed they were equally capable of operating for extended periods at some distance from their home ports, but they were not, and thus the opportunities for a decisive fleet battle like Trfalgar were much less.

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The 19th-century warship was superficially similar to its 17th-century counterpart. [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]], the leading naval historian of the 1890s, greatly exaggerated the prowess of 17th century ships, endowing them with firepower, seakeeping capability, and crusing endurance of ships built in 1800. However much more is now known; for example the guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,'' a Portugese galleon that sank in 1668 have been recovered and analyzed by naval archaeologists.<ref>John F. Guilmartin, Jr. "The Guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,"'' ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), pp. 559-601 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28198310%2924%3A4%3C559%3ATGOTSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]</ref> Mahan assumed they were equally capable of operating for extended periods at some distance from their home ports, but they were not, and thus the opportunities for a decisive fleet battle like Trfalgar were much less.

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The first of 12 Spanish three-deck ships-of-the-line was the ''Real Felipe'' (~~1732-50~~), which displaced 1,965 tons, carried a crew of 1,250, and mounted 114 guns. Its most significant action occurred with the French against the English in the Battle of Toulon in February 1744.

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The first of 12 Spanish three-deck ships-of-the-line was the ''Real Felipe'' (1732–50), which displaced 1,965 tons, carried a crew of 1,250, and mounted 114 guns. Its most significant action occurred with the French against the English in the Battle of Toulon in February 1744.

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After victory in the [[Seven Years War]] (~~1756-63~~), Britain allowed its great fleet to literally ~~rot--66~~ ships sank because of rotting wood. Reform came during [[American Revolution, naval history|the War for American Independence]], and in the critical year 1781 the French, Spanish and Dutch allies had about 168 major warships of 60 or more guns, versus 114 for the British (and none for the United States). The French defeated the British off [[Battle of Yorktown|Yorktown]] in 1781, forcing the surrender of the main British army in America. Finally in 1782 the British recovered and sank the French fleet at the [[Battle of the Saints]] in the West Indies to regain control of the seas.

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After victory in the [[Seven Years War]] (1756–63), Britain allowed its great fleet to literally rot—66 ships sank because of rotting wood. Reform came during [[American Revolution, naval history|the War for American Independence]], and in the critical year 1781 the French, Spanish and Dutch allies had about 168 major warships of 60 or more guns, versus 114 for the British (and none for the United States). The French defeated the British off [[Battle of Yorktown|Yorktown]] in 1781, forcing the surrender of the main British army in America. Finally in 1782 the British recovered and sank the French fleet at the [[Battle of the Saints]] in the West Indies to regain control of the seas.

A "ship of the line" was a main battleship, built from 2,000 oak trees and carrying 74 or so guns, each effective out to 300 yards. Battles had to be fought close in, with marines essential as sharpshooters and boarding parties.

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The techniques of gunnery remained fairly static before the 1870s. Constant drill speeded the maximum rate of fire from one round every five minutes (1660s) to one round a minute (1760s). Rate of fire and weight of the shells in a broadside was more important than accuracy when the enemy was close. The ship of the line, or broadside ship, with heavy guns mounted on the lower deck just above the waterline and with lighter guns on higher decks, remained the dominant factor in naval warfare despite many small improvements.<ref>Bernard Ireland, ''Naval Warfare in the Age of Sail'' (2000) [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0393049833/ref=sib_books_pg?ie=UTF8&keywords=naval%20gunnery&p=S01I&checkSum=8covysLzTFfgml8KBKgRfqYiFwWXki%252FGijPVPqAfj%252F8%253D pp 47-50] </ref>

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The techniques of gunnery remained fairly static before the 1870s. Constant drill speeded the maximum rate of fire from one round every five minutes (1660s) to one round a minute (1760s). Rate of fire and weight of the shells in a broadside was more important than accuracy when the enemy was close. The ship of the line, or broadside ship, with heavy guns mounted on the lower deck just above the waterline and with lighter guns on higher decks, remained the dominant factor in naval warfare despite many small improvements.<ref>Bernard Ireland, ''Naval Warfare in the Age of Sail'' (2000) [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0393049833/ref=sib_books_pg?ie=UTF8&keywords=naval%20gunnery&p=S01I&checkSum=8covysLzTFfgml8KBKgRfqYiFwWXki%252FGijPVPqAfj%252F8%253D pp 47-50]</ref>

===Frigates===

The frigate was the most glamorous ship in the British navy during the era of Napoleonic seapower. Frigates made up a quarter of the 412-ship royal fleet in wartime, and were kept in active service during peacetime. The frigate had between 32 and 44 guns and a crew of 217 to 297 men. While not as big as the ship of the line, it could outrun anything with more firepower and catch commercial ships, sloops, and corvettes. It could handle a variety of tasks, including raiding coastlines, running down opposing ships, and scouting.

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Frigates were used for reconnaissance, convoys and raids. Sloops were even smaller and cheaper; their 20 guns were enough to overpower any merchant ship, or control rivers and bays.<ref>Robert Gardiner, ''Frigates of the Napoleonic Wars'' (2006) [http://www.amazon.com/Frigates-Napoleonic-Wars-Robert-Gardiner/dp/1591142830/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1206348906&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search] </ref> In the [[American Revolution, naval history|American revolution]] [[John Barry]], a 30-year-old Philadelphian and senior captain of the almost-landlocked American navy in 1778 Barry commanded the ''Raleigh'', a 700-ton frigate with 36 guns and 235 crewmen. In late September 1778, the ''Raleigh'' engaged the ''Unicorn'', a 22-gun ship, and the ''Experiment'', a 50-gun ship-of-the-line. Barry lost the ''Raleigh'' and 135 men were captured, but he disabled the ''Unicorn'' and escaped with 86 men.<ref> See [http://books.google.com/books?id=AwNFAAAAIAAJ&pg=RA1-PA319&dq=Barry+%27Raleigh+Unicorn&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1#PRA1-PA317,M1 Gardner Weld Allen, ''A Naval History of the American Revolution'' (1913) p. 317-19]</ref>

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Frigates were used for reconnaissance, convoys and raids. Sloops were even smaller and cheaper; their 20 guns were enough to overpower any merchant ship, or control rivers and bays.<ref>Robert Gardiner, ''Frigates of the Napoleonic Wars'' (2006) [http://www.amazon.com/Frigates-Napoleonic-Wars-Robert-Gardiner/dp/1591142830/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1206348906&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]</ref> In the [[American Revolution, naval history|American revolution]] [[John Barry]], a 30-year-old Philadelphian and senior captain of the almost-landlocked American navy in 1778 Barry commanded the ''Raleigh'', a 700-ton frigate with 36 guns and 235 crewmen. In late September 1778, the ''Raleigh'' engaged the ''Unicorn'', a 22-gun ship, and the ''Experiment'', a 50-gun ship-of-the-line. Barry lost the ''Raleigh'' and 135 men were captured, but he disabled the ''Unicorn'' and escaped with 86 men.<ref>See [http://books.google.com/books?id=AwNFAAAAIAAJ&pg=RA1-PA319&dq=Barry+%27Raleigh+Unicorn&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1#PRA1-PA317,M1 Gardner Weld Allen, ''A Naval History of the American Revolution'' (1913) p. 317-19]</ref>

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The era of dominance by frigates ended when "big" frigates like the "USS Constitution" appeared in the waters.<ref> Mark Lardas and Tony Bryan, ''''American Heavy Frigates 1794-1826'' (2003) [http://www.amazon.com/New-Vanguard-79-American-1794-1826/dp/1841766305/ref=pd_bbs_sr_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1206348906&sr=8-3 excerpt and text search] </ref>

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The era of dominance by frigates ended when "big" frigates like the "USS Constitution" appeared in the waters.<ref>Mark Lardas and Tony Bryan, ''''American Heavy Frigates 1794-1826'' (2003) [http://www.amazon.com/New-Vanguard-79-American-1794-1826/dp/1841766305/ref=pd_bbs_sr_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1206348906&sr=8-3 excerpt and text search]</ref>

==Gunnery science==

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Gunnery was a mysterious art because every element was variable. Shot was never uniform, because of careless manufacture and rusting in storage. Gunpowder varied even more in terms of strength and burning rate; the bore of the guns varied in size. Even the mathematical models proposed for predicting the trajectory of projectiles through the air varied among mathematicians. A British scientist, Benjamin Robins (1707–1751), in the 1740s, put forward basic theories and supporting experimental data which put ballistics into the framework of Newtonian mechanics and formed the basis of the science of ballistics. For example, by applying Newton's second law to velocity measurements at varying ranges, Robins measured the air-resistance that slowed balls in flight. Robins proposed that the bore of the cannon be enlarged, that they be equipped with snug-fitting balls, and that they be fired with decreased charges of powder. This, he argued would increase destructive power, since the larger ball with a relatively low velocity would do more damage than would a smaller one. He further urged that careful attention be given to designing new guns to eliminate unnecessary weight.<ref> Brett D. Steele, "Robins, Benjamin (1707–1751)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography'', (2004), online from [[OUP]]</ref>

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Gunnery was a mysterious art because every element was variable. Shot was never uniform, because of careless manufacture and rusting in storage. Gunpowder varied even more in terms of strength and burning rate; the bore of the guns varied in size. Even the mathematical models proposed for predicting the trajectory of projectiles through the air varied among mathematicians. A British scientist, Benjamin Robins (1707–1751), in the 1740s, put forward basic theories and supporting experimental data which put ballistics into the framework of Newtonian mechanics and formed the basis of the science of ballistics. For example, by applying Newton's second law to velocity measurements at varying ranges, Robins measured the air-resistance that slowed balls in flight. Robins proposed that the bore of the cannon be enlarged, that they be equipped with snug-fitting balls, and that they be fired with decreased charges of powder. This, he argued would increase destructive power, since the larger ball with a relatively low velocity would do more damage than would a smaller one. He further urged that careful attention be given to designing new guns to eliminate unnecessary weight.<ref>Brett D. Steele, "Robins, Benjamin (1707–1751)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography'', (2004), online from [[OUP]]</ref>

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In ''A Proposal for Increasing the Strength of the British Navy'' (1747) Robins proposed a new naval gun design based on his models, and in 1779, the carronade was invented to incorporate Robins' ideas. These short-barreled, light-weight, large-bore guns used a small powder charge and the same projectile as did the long guns. As Continental scientists like [[Leonhard Euler]] developed Robins' ideas, Navies across Europe hurried to adopt Robins' proposals.<ref> Brett D. Steele, "Muskets and Pendulums: Benjamin Robins, Leonhard Euler, and the Ballistics Revolution," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1994), pp. 348-382 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X(199404)35%3A2%3C348%3AMAPBRL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1 in JSTOR] </ref> The British put carronades on existing ships and armed many of the smaller warships, such as frigates, sloops, and brigs, entirely with carronades. Similar guns were put into service by the Dutch, French, Spanish, and American navies. The carronade's short range eventually led to loss of interest in it as a naval weapon. In two actions during the [[War of 1812]], this shortcoming was an important factor in determining the victor. In the [[Battle of Lake Erie]], American forces fought with long guns from beyond the range of British ships, and the English commodore reported, "We remained in this mortifying situation five hours, having only six guns in all the squadron that would reach the enemy, not a carronade being fired."<ref> Quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=bxkbAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA294&dq=%22We+remained+in+this+mortifying+situation+five+hours%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 Theodore Roosevelt, ''The Naval War of 1812'' (1882) page 294] </ref> In another action, the British ships Phoebe and Cherub, armed with long guns, captured the American frigate Essex, which was equipped almost entirely with carronades. Despite its shortcomings, the carronade demonstrated the importance of quick-firing weapons and the need to use projectiles which fitted snugly into the bore of the gun.<ref>Frederick Leslie Robertson, ''The Evolution of Naval Armament'' (1921) pp 112-39 </ref>

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In ''A Proposal for Increasing the Strength of the British Navy'' (1747) Robins proposed a new naval gun design based on his models, and in 1779, the carronade was invented to incorporate Robins' ideas. These short-barreled, light-weight, large-bore guns used a small powder charge and the same projectile as did the long guns. As Continental scientists like [[Leonhard Euler]] developed Robins' ideas, Navies across Europe hurried to adopt Robins' proposals.<ref>Brett D. Steele, "Muskets and Pendulums: Benjamin Robins, Leonhard Euler, and the Ballistics Revolution," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1994), pp. 348-382 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X(199404)35%3A2%3C348%3AMAPBRL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1 in JSTOR]</ref> The British put carronades on existing ships and armed many of the smaller warships, such as frigates, sloops, and brigs, entirely with carronades. Similar guns were put into service by the Dutch, French, Spanish, and American navies. The carronade's short range eventually led to loss of interest in it as a naval weapon. In two actions during the [[War of 1812]], this shortcoming was an important factor in determining the victor. In the [[Battle of Lake Erie]], American forces fought with long guns from beyond the range of British ships, and the English commodore reported, "We remained in this mortifying situation five hours, having only six guns in all the squadron that would reach the enemy, not a carronade being fired."<ref>Quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=bxkbAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA294&dq=%22We+remained+in+this+mortifying+situation+five+hours%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 Theodore Roosevelt, ''The Naval War of 1812'' (1882) page 294]</ref> In another action, the British ships Phoebe and Cherub, armed with long guns, captured the American frigate Essex, which was equipped almost entirely with carronades. Despite its shortcomings, the carronade demonstrated the importance of quick-firing weapons and the need to use projectiles which fitted snugly into the bore of the gun.<ref>Frederick Leslie Robertson, ''The Evolution of Naval Armament'' (1921) pp 112-39</ref>

===Fire ships and mortars===

Naval gunnery focused on the broadside ship and the long guns that served as decisive elements in combat. For other naval purposes, however, other gunnery devices were used. The "fire ship" which was loosed into enemy ship concentrations was a weapon of antiquity. With the development of gunpowder, powder ships were used in preference to fire ships. For example, in a 1693 attack on the French port of Saint-Malo, the British Commodore Benbow loaded a galliot with 100 barrels of powder and 340 chests containing cannon balls, iron chains, large pieces of metal, and other destructive missiles. This ship was cast adrift and grounded on a rock in the harbor where it exploded, blowing down part of the town wall and severely damaging the houses.

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Hollow shells filled with gunpowder proved more effective than fire ships. The powder was exploded by means of a slow match (burning fuse). Bomb ketches were often used to bombard ports and shore fortifications. However, the risk of fire or premature explosion was so serious that captains avoided firing explosive shells from their long guns. In 1788, the Russian navy sent Admiral [[John Paul Jones]] with a flotilla of long boats fitted with brass ordnance to attack a Turkish squadron on the Sea of Azov; the use of explosive shells gave Jones complete victory.<ref>Evan Thomas, ''John Paul Jones: Sailor, Hero, Father of the American Navy'' (2003) pp. 292-312</ref>

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Explosive shells became popular thanks to a French artillery officer, Henri-Joseph Paixhans, who in the 1820s proposed a new system of gunnery. Paixhans showed how the new steam-powered ship could become a warship. He argued that all guns aboard a ship be of the same ~~bore--and~~ that explosive shells be used, thereby simplifying their use and augmenting their destructiveness. Paixhans demonstrated that explosive shells could destroy wooden ships, and he proposed to protect the ships by encasing their sides with iron plates; this led to the development of armored naval vessels. The French in 1829 standardized on a single caliber (a 30-pounder) which was made in different weights for use on the various decks and classes of ships. In 1837 France adopted a Paixhans-design shell gun, but of much larger bore than the 30-pounder. The Royal Navy in 1839 adopted six patterns of 32-pound long guns, associating with them a few eight-inch shell guns. Other countries quickly added Paixhans-style guns. <ref> [http://books.google.com/books?id=lZf8uwTvhv0C&pg=PA63&dq=Paixhans+dahlgren&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1 John Adolphus Bernard Dahlgren, ''Shells and Shell-guns'' (1856) ch. 3]</ref>

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Explosive shells became popular thanks to a French artillery officer, Henri-Joseph Paixhans, who in the 1820s proposed a new system of gunnery. Paixhans showed how the new steam-powered ship could become a warship. He argued that all guns aboard a ship be of the same bore—and that explosive shells be used, thereby simplifying their use and augmenting their destructiveness. Paixhans demonstrated that explosive shells could destroy wooden ships, and he proposed to protect the ships by encasing their sides with iron plates; this led to the development of armored naval vessels. The French in 1829 standardized on a single caliber (a 30-pounder) which was made in different weights for use on the various decks and classes of ships. In 1837 France adopted a Paixhans-design shell gun, but of much larger bore than the 30-pounder. The Royal Navy in 1839 adopted six patterns of 32-pound long guns, associating with them a few eight-inch shell guns. Other countries quickly added Paixhans-style guns.<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=lZf8uwTvhv0C&pg=PA63&dq=Paixhans+dahlgren&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1 John Adolphus Bernard Dahlgren, ''Shells and Shell-guns'' (1856) ch. 3]</ref>

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===Projectiles ===

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===Projectiles ===

The projectiles which were used through the early 19th century varied depending upon the target. Solid cast-iron balls were used in attacking the hulls of other ships. '''Chain shot''', consisting of two shot secured to each other with a length of chain, and bar shot, consisting of two solid hemispheres secured by a bar, were effective at short range against sails and rigging but were very inaccurate in their flight. Canister and '''grape shot''' were used against the crews. Canister was a tin cylinder fitting the bore of the gun and packed with musket balls. Grape shot was larger balls held in a cylindrical frame. Both types broke up on leaving the muzzle, with the clustered balls dispersing.

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The 19th century saw striking advances in technology. The steam engine was adopted for marine propulsion after 1820; ships were built of iron after 1850; guns increased in size and power, and steel armor was added to [[battleship]]s. High explosives were invented and better powder. These innovations came about almost simultaneously and affected each other. Steam power was used to manipulate heavy guns. Iron hulls allowed larger ships than had been possible with wood, and larger guns could consequently be carried. Advances in metallurgical led to stronger hulls, stronger guns, and armor plate to protect against the enemy's shells. As the armor grew thicker and stronger the guns had to be more powerful, and the entire warship became much larger and more stable.

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Many steps were involved in this process and basic advances were sometimes abandoned because they were beyond the technology of the day. For example, the first naval vessel to be fitted with screw propellers, the U.S. Navy's ''Princeton'', was also fitted with two 12-inch, wrought-iron guns. These guns proved to be beyond the metallurgy of the period and during a public demonstration in 1844 one of them burst, killing five people including high officials.<ref> Lee M. Pearson, "The "Princeton" and the "Peacemaker": A Study in Nineteenth-Century Naval Research and Development Procedures," ''Technology and Culture'' Vol. 7, No. 2 (Spring, 1966), pp. 163-183 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28196621%297%3A2%3C163%3AT%22AT%22A%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3 in JSTOR]; Spencer C. Tucker, "U.S. Navy Steam Sloop Princeton." ''American Neptune'' 1989 49(2): 96-113. Issn: 0003-0155 </ref> In 1854 a British engineer, [[William Armstrong]], perfected techniques for making guns of wrought iron. Almost simultaneously, [[Alfred Krupp]] of Germany began making guns from cast steel ingots. Their fabrication techniques made possible the high-power guns which came to characterize naval ordnance. Krupp and Armstrong each designed breech-loading mechanisms and fitted their guns with both rifled and smooth-bore barrels. Breechloaders achieved definite superiority over muzzle-loaders. The greater range, velocity, and accuracy which were the advantages of rifled guns were offset by the higher stresses imposed on the barrel and by other design problems. Rifled small arms had been in use for hundreds of years, but their advantages of greater accuracy and longer effective range were largely offset by the disadvantage of slow rate of fire until, in the 1850s, elongated bullets permitting rapid loading. To provide strength to withstand the increased working pressure of large rifled guns, the French in 1859 introduced a technique of reinforcing with hoops of puddled steel.

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Many steps were involved in this process and basic advances were sometimes abandoned because they were beyond the technology of the day. For example, the first naval vessel to be fitted with screw propellers, the U.S. Navy's ''Princeton'', was also fitted with two 12-inch, wrought-iron guns. These guns proved to be beyond the metallurgy of the period and during a public demonstration in 1844 one of them burst, killing five people including high officials.<ref>Lee M. Pearson, "The "Princeton" and the "Peacemaker": A Study in Nineteenth-Century Naval Research and Development Procedures," ''Technology and Culture'' Vol. 7, No. 2 (Spring, 1966), pp. 163-183 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28196621%297%3A2%3C163%3AT%22AT%22A%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3 in JSTOR]; Spencer C. Tucker, "U.S. Navy Steam Sloop Princeton." ''American Neptune'' 1989 49(2): 96-113. Issn: 0003-0155</ref> In 1854 a British engineer, [[William Armstrong]], perfected techniques for making guns of wrought iron. Almost simultaneously, [[Alfred Krupp]] of Germany began making guns from cast steel ingots. Their fabrication techniques made possible the high-power guns which came to characterize naval ordnance. Krupp and Armstrong each designed breech-loading mechanisms and fitted their guns with both rifled and smooth-bore barrels. Breechloaders achieved definite superiority over muzzle-loaders. The greater range, velocity, and accuracy which were the advantages of rifled guns were offset by the higher stresses imposed on the barrel and by other design problems. Rifled small arms had been in use for hundreds of years, but their advantages of greater accuracy and longer effective range were largely offset by the disadvantage of slow rate of fire until, in the 1850s, elongated bullets permitting rapid loading. To provide strength to withstand the increased working pressure of large rifled guns, the French in 1859 introduced a technique of reinforcing with hoops of puddled steel.

During the [[U.S. Civil War|American Civil War]], Lt. John M. Brooke of the Confederate Navy built rifled cast-iron guns hooped with wrought-iron rings. The American effort, however, went into improving cast-iron smooth-bore guns. [[John A. Dahlgren]] of the U.S. Navy greatly improved the shape of long guns. He measured the exact amount of strain and its location within the gun and proportioned the parts of the gun with reference to this strain. He abandoned both the ornamentation and the traditional shape for heavy guns. T. J. Rodman invented a way to cast guns hollow and cooling the inner surfaces while the metal hardened. This redistributed the strains within the gun and overcame the elastic peculiarities of cast iron, making it possible to cast guns with a bore of up to twenty inches and a gross weight of nearly 60 tons, but with a life comparable to that of smaller guns.

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The old wooden naval gun carriages mounted on wheels and using a heavy rope breeching to absorb recoil were replaced by iron carriages fitted on an inclined slide. Various devices, such as the friction of interlaced iron plates, were used for absorbing recoil. The gun carriages were fitted with wheels running on concentric tracks, thereby simplifying the training of the guns. The pivot gun, achieving its best development during the War of 1812, offered a 70 degree arc of fire but still required the ship to be turned for fore and aft targets.

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American [[John Ericsson]] and Royal Navy Captain Cowper Phipps Coles developed the first practical revolving turrets. Ericsson's 1854 design was used on the ''Monitor'' (1862) and the coastal ships of that type during the Civil War. Coles designed a turret for a raft in 1855 and took out a patent for an improved design in 1859. A Danish warship built in Britain in 1863 had two revolving turrets based on Coles's design. The Royal Navy began using turreted guns in 1864. Seagoing Royal Navy turret ships of the 1860s had masts and rigging, a protective forecastle, and a poop, which limited the arc of fire to 120 to 132 degrees. The weight of the hull armor, turrets, and masts made these ships dangerously top heavy. The steam-powered ''Devastation'', built in Britain in 1873, was the first ocean-going turreted warship and the first modern battleship.<ref> Stanley Sandler, "The Emergence of the Modern Capital Ship," ''Technology and Culture'' Vol. 11, No. 4 (Oct., 1970), pp. 576-595 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28197010%2911%3A4%3C576%3ATEOTMC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M in JSTOR]</ref> The Coles turret system became the standard until the 1890s. Steam powered turntables, however, offered far from perfect control of the turning motion, and in the mid-1870s, [[William Armstrong]] perfected the application of hydraulic power to gun turrets. As developed by the Armstrong Company of Britain and first used in the ''Dreadnought'' (1875), hydraulic power was applied to all the principal operations of working the gun, such as checking the recoil and moving the gun in or out along the slides and ramming home the powder and charge. Thus, the basic problems of designing carriages for heavy naval guns were solved. The U.S. Navy adopted electric drives, which were eventually superseded by variable-speed gears. Power drives also operated the smaller secondary batteries which served tactically for close-range attacks. The battleship turret, developed in the 1860s, was a mainstay of naval armament from the 1870s until the 1940s.<ref>Arnold A. Putnam, "The Introduction of the Revolving Turret." ''American Neptune'' 1996 56(2): 117-129. Issn: 0003-0155 </ref>

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American [[John Ericsson]] and Royal Navy Captain Cowper Phipps Coles developed the first practical revolving turrets. Ericsson's 1854 design was used on the ''Monitor'' (1862) and the coastal ships of that type during the Civil War. Coles designed a turret for a raft in 1855 and took out a patent for an improved design in 1859. A Danish warship built in Britain in 1863 had two revolving turrets based on Coles's design. The Royal Navy began using turreted guns in 1864. Seagoing Royal Navy turret ships of the 1860s had masts and rigging, a protective forecastle, and a poop, which limited the arc of fire to 120 to 132 degrees. The weight of the hull armor, turrets, and masts made these ships dangerously top heavy. The steam-powered ''Devastation'', built in Britain in 1873, was the first ocean-going turreted warship and the first modern battleship.<ref>Stanley Sandler, "The Emergence of the Modern Capital Ship," ''Technology and Culture'' Vol. 11, No. 4 (Oct., 1970), pp. 576-595 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28197010%2911%3A4%3C576%3ATEOTMC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M in JSTOR]</ref> The Coles turret system became the standard until the 1890s. Steam powered turntables, however, offered far from perfect control of the turning motion, and in the mid-1870s, [[William Armstrong]] perfected the application of hydraulic power to gun turrets. As developed by the Armstrong Company of Britain and first used in the ''Dreadnought'' (1875), hydraulic power was applied to all the principal operations of working the gun, such as checking the recoil and moving the gun in or out along the slides and ramming home the powder and charge. Thus, the basic problems of designing carriages for heavy naval guns were solved. The U.S. Navy adopted electric drives, which were eventually superseded by variable-speed gears. Power drives also operated the smaller secondary batteries which served tactically for close-range attacks. The battleship turret, developed in the 1860s, was a mainstay of naval armament from the 1870s until the 1940s.<ref>Arnold A. Putnam, "The Introduction of the Revolving Turret." ''American Neptune'' 1996 56(2): 117-129. Issn: 0003-0155</ref>

===Naval race===

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Paixhans and his followers immediately realized the need to protect their ships from the penetrating power of rifled shot. Iron plates 7 inches thick proved vulnerable to 8-inch shells. As a rule of thumb, another inch of armor was needed for every inch of shell diameter. Armor was very heavy, so the ship had to be enlarged to carry big guns and thick armor. The French breakthough came with the ''Gloire'' (1859), built wood covered by 4.5 inch iron plates from the main deck to below the waterline; the 5600 ton battleship carried 30 6.5 inch guns and boasted a top speed of 14 knots. It was a major breakthough and but Britain leapfrogged it in 1860 with the ''Warrior'' (1861), which was twice as big and had an all-iron hull.<ref> see [http://books.google.com/books?id=LPIDAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA344&dq=gloire+warrior&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 William Pole, ed. ''The Life of Sir William Fairbairn, Bart.'' (1877) online ch 20, pp. 344ff]</ref>

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Paixhans and his followers immediately realized the need to protect their ships from the penetrating power of rifled shot. Iron plates 7 inches thick proved vulnerable to 8-inch shells. As a rule of thumb, another inch of armor was needed for every inch of shell diameter. Armor was very heavy, so the ship had to be enlarged to carry big guns and thick armor. The French breakthough came with the ''Gloire'' (1859), built wood covered by 4.5 inch iron plates from the main deck to below the waterline; the 5600 ton battleship carried 30 6.5 inch guns and boasted a top speed of 14 knots. It was a major breakthough and but Britain leapfrogged it in 1860 with the ''Warrior'' (1861), which was twice as big and had an all-iron hull.<ref>see [http://books.google.com/books?id=LPIDAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA344&dq=gloire+warrior&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 William Pole, ed. ''The Life of Sir William Fairbairn, Bart.'' (1877) online ch 20, pp. 344ff]</ref>

The battle of the ironclad ''Virginia'' (previously known as the ''Merrimac'') and the all-iron ''Monitor'' in the [[U.S. Civil War]] in March 1862 was the first battle between ironclads. The Confederacy lacked the resources to buld more, but the Union Navy built dozens of turreted ships of the ''Monitor'' type, as well as many casemated ironclad paddle-boats with heavy gus to control the inland rivers. Eirope followed these developments closely, making ''Gloire'', ''Warrior'', and ''Monitor'' the models for ship design until 1900; France and Britain took the lead, with the U.S. trailing far behind Italy and Germany.

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|[[File:Animated gun turret with labels.gif|700px|right|An animated naval gun turret, based on a British 15 inch turret Mark 1. The figure represents a person 5 ft 8 in high (172 cm). Key: 1 - Platform deck; 2 - Shell room; 3 - Lower deck; 4 - Magazine; 5 -Middle deck; 6 -Trunk; 7 - Main deck; 8 - Barbette; 9 -Working Chamber; 10 - Upper Deck; 11 - Roller path; 12 - Cradle;13 - Gunhouse]]

|-

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|An animated naval gun turret, based on a British 15 inch turret Mark 1. The figure represents a person 5 ft 8 in high (172 cm). Key: 1 - Platform deck; 2 - Shell room; 3 - Lower deck; 4 - Magazine; 5 -Middle deck; 6 -Trunk; 7 - Main deck; 8 - Barbette; 9 -Working Chamber; 10 - Upper Deck; 11 - Roller path; 12 - Cradle;13 - Gunhouse

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|An animated naval gun turret, based on a British 15 inch turret Mark 1. The figure represents a person 5 ft 8 in high (172 cm). Key: 1 - Platform deck; 2 - Shell room; 3 - Lower deck; 4 - Magazine; 5 -Middle deck; 6 -Trunk; 7 - Main deck; 8 - Barbette; 9 -Working Chamber; 10 - Upper Deck; 11 - Roller path; 12 - Cradle;13 - Gunhouse

|}

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Armor was the central issue by the late 1880s. If any one factor can be isolated as stimulating developments of the later years of the 19th ~~century--improved~~ materials (wrought-iron and then steel), increases in size, improvements in projectiles, mechanization, and improved ~~powder--it~~ was the necessity of penetrating armor, which was itself also rapidly improved. The ranges of guns were also being greatly increased.

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Armor was the central issue by the late 1880s. If any one factor can be isolated as stimulating developments of the later years of the 19th century—improved materials (wrought-iron and then steel), increases in size, improvements in projectiles, mechanization, and improved powder—it was the necessity of penetrating armor, which was itself also rapidly improved. The ranges of guns were also being greatly increased.

===Fire control===

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The necessity of fighting at maximum range, which was gradually recognized, called for a high degree of accuracy, so that shells could be placed on a target many miles distant. The ship with longer range would have a decisive advantage, since it could fire from outside the enemy's range. In 1892, [[Bradley A. Fiske]] of the U.S. Navy invented the telescopic sight for accurate shooting at long range. By 1906, periscopic gun sights greatly improved accuracy, while range finders provided an accurate measure of the distance to a target. [[Percy Scott]] of the British Navy and [[William S. Sims]] of the U.S. Navy championed the importance of accurate long-range shooting, and devised training techniques whereby the potential which had been given to naval guns could be achieved.<ref> Andrew Lambert, "Scott, Sir Percy Moreton, first baronet (1853–1924)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' 2004; online edn, 2008; Peter Padfield, ''Aim Straight: a Biography of Admiral Sir Percy Scott'' (1965); Elting Elmore Morison, ''Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy'' (1968) </ref>

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The necessity of fighting at maximum range, which was gradually recognized, called for a high degree of accuracy, so that shells could be placed on a target many miles distant. The ship with longer range would have a decisive advantage, since it could fire from outside the enemy's range. In 1892, [[Bradley A. Fiske]] of the U.S. Navy invented the telescopic sight for accurate shooting at long range. By 1906, periscopic gun sights greatly improved accuracy, while range finders provided an accurate measure of the distance to a target. [[Percy Scott]] of the British Navy and [[William S. Sims]] of the U.S. Navy championed the importance of accurate long-range shooting, and devised training techniques whereby the potential which had been given to naval guns could be achieved.<ref>Andrew Lambert, "Scott, Sir Percy Moreton, first baronet (1853–1924)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' 2004; online edn, 2008; Peter Padfield, ''Aim Straight: a Biography of Admiral Sir Percy Scott'' (1965); Elting Elmore Morison, ''Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy'' (1968)</ref>

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Scott developed the director firing system, which enabled all the guns of a ship to be laid onto a single target from a central aiming position. After early experimental installations from 1907 the system was fully adopted by the Royal Navy in 1913 and was critical for long-range gunfire during [[The First World War|World War I]]. The Germans developed a similar system. Guns could now be aligned in parallel, and aimed and fired in salvos, all controlled from an elevated position. Optical range finders and electrical instruments to aid in fire control were mounted in these elevated positions. Not only was the fire of all guns controlled centrally, but the shots could be "spotted" on the target. This led to a great extension of range and made it possible to fire in weather which obscured the vision of the gun crews. The elevation that could be given to guns on British ships was increased from 13° in 1909 to 40° in 1917. In the 1920s the U.S. Navy made refinements in fire control, such as having each ship fire shells with a distinctive color in bursting so that the shots of each could be distinguished. Techniques were also developed for spotting by use of cruisers or aircraft, and night firing was perfected through the use of star shells which burst over the enemy. Through such techniques the effective range of the modern 16-inch (41-cm) naval gun came to be approximately 20 miles (32 km).

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Scott developed the director firing system, which enabled all the guns of a ship to be laid onto a single target from a central aiming position. After early experimental installations from 1907 the system was fully adopted by the Royal Navy in 1913 and was critical for long-range gunfire during [[The First World War|World War I]]. The Germans developed a similar system. Guns could now be aligned in parallel, and aimed and fired in salvos, all controlled from an elevated position. Optical range finders and electrical instruments to aid in fire control were mounted in these elevated positions. Not only was the fire of all guns controlled centrally, but the shots could be "spotted" on the target. This led to a great extension of range and made it possible to fire in weather which obscured the vision of the gun crews. The elevation that could be given to guns on British ships was increased from 13° in 1909 to 40° in 1917. In the 1920s the U.S. Navy made refinements in fire control, such as having each ship fire shells with a distinctive color in bursting so that the shots of each could be distinguished. Techniques were also developed for spotting by use of cruisers or aircraft, and night firing was perfected through the use of star shells which burst over the enemy. Through such techniques the effective range of the modern 16-inch (41-cm) naval gun came to be approximately 20 miles (32 km).

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The vulnerability of large but weakly protected battle cruisers at the [[Battle of Jutland]] (1916) left battle cruisers with an uncertain role in the postwar fleets. The [[Washington Treaty]] (1922) designated battle cruisers as capital ships because they were armed with guns over 203 mm. The treaty designated heavy cruisers as those with guns over 155 mm, and light cruisers as those with guns under 155 mm. The signatory navies of the U.S., Britain, Japan, France, and Italy at first concentrated on heavy cruisers and later on light cruisers. Spain also built two heavy and six light cruisers. Just before 1939 new types appeared, such as antiaircraft cruisers, submarine cruisers, and new battle cruisers; the U.S. built the world's last battle cruiser in 1944.

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The vulnerability of large but weakly protected battle cruisers at the [[Battle of Jutland]] (1916) left battle cruisers with an uncertain role in the postwar fleets. The [[Washington Treaty]] (1922) designated battle cruisers as capital ships because they were armed with guns over 203 mm. The treaty designated heavy cruisers as those with guns over 155 mm, and light cruisers as those with guns under 155 mm. The signatory navies of the U.S., Britain, Japan, France, and Italy at first concentrated on heavy cruisers and later on light cruisers. Spain also built two heavy and six light cruisers. Just before 1939 new types appeared, such as antiaircraft cruisers, submarine cruisers, and new battle cruisers; the U.S. built the world's last battle cruiser in 1944.

===World War I===

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The encounter of great battleship fleets was the centerpiece of all war planning from 1900 to 1945, following the strategic ideas of American [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]]. Yet it happened only once, and that was short and inconclusive. At the [[Battle of Jutland]] (May 31-June 1, 1916), the British battle cruiser squadron, consisting of six battle cruisers and four battleships, by chance encountered a scouting squadron of five German battle cruisers. They engaged each other in a running battle. Unknown to each side, each squadron was closely followed by their main battle fleet, and soon the entire main fleets of both sides were in view. The British fleet was stronger and the Germans decided to retreat instead of fight; they narrowly escaped. Although the German forces were outnumbered and their guns were of shorter range than those of the British, they still managed to inflict more damage on the British than they suffered in return. The military importance of the engagement was not great. The British lost three battle cruisers, three armored cruisers, and eight destroyers, while the Germans lost one battleship, one battle cruiser, four light cruisers, and five destroyers.<ref> The British also lost 6,097 men to the German loss of 2,545.</ref> The Germans claimed a victory, pointing out the greater losses of the British fleet. The British battle cruisers blew up when hit by German shells because of their faulty gunnery technique. In an effort to increase the rate of fire, gun crews kept far more than the regulation charges inside their turrets, and also kept loaded not only the primary ammunition supply system, but also the auxiliary hoists and waiting positions. Thus, many charges were exposed to flash when the turret was struck by a German shell, resulting in an explosion sufficient to sink the ship.<ref>Nicholas A. Lambert, "'Our Bloody Ships' or 'Our Bloody System?' Jutland and the Loss of the Battle Cruisers, 1916." ''Journal of Military History'' 1998 62(1): 29-55. Issn: 0899-3718 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0899-3718(199801)62%3A1%3C29%3A%22BSO%22B%3E2.0.CO%3B2-P in Jstor] </ref>

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The encounter of great battleship fleets was the centerpiece of all war planning from 1900 to 1945, following the strategic ideas of American [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]]. Yet it happened only once, and that was short and inconclusive. At the [[Battle of Jutland]] (May 31-June 1, 1916), the British battle cruiser squadron, consisting of six battle cruisers and four battleships, by chance encountered a scouting squadron of five German battle cruisers. They engaged each other in a running battle. Unknown to each side, each squadron was closely followed by their main battle fleet, and soon the entire main fleets of both sides were in view. The British fleet was stronger and the Germans decided to retreat instead of fight; they narrowly escaped. Although the German forces were outnumbered and their guns were of shorter range than those of the British, they still managed to inflict more damage on the British than they suffered in return. The military importance of the engagement was not great. The British lost three battle cruisers, three armored cruisers, and eight destroyers, while the Germans lost one battleship, one battle cruiser, four light cruisers, and five destroyers.<ref>The British also lost 6,097 men to the German loss of 2,545.</ref> The Germans claimed a victory, pointing out the greater losses of the British fleet. The British battle cruisers blew up when hit by German shells because of their faulty gunnery technique. In an effort to increase the rate of fire, gun crews kept far more than the regulation charges inside their turrets, and also kept loaded not only the primary ammunition supply system, but also the auxiliary hoists and waiting positions. Thus, many charges were exposed to flash when the turret was struck by a German shell, resulting in an explosion sufficient to sink the ship.<ref>Nicholas A. Lambert, "'Our Bloody Ships' or 'Our Bloody System?' Jutland and the Loss of the Battle Cruisers, 1916." ''Journal of Military History'' 1998 62(1): 29-55. Issn: 0899-3718 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0899-3718(199801)62%3A1%3C29%3A%22BSO%22B%3E2.0.CO%3B2-P in Jstor]</ref>

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The tactical objectives of gunnery policy were accurate deliberate fire at long ranges in good visibility, and effective rapid fire at short ranges in the event of poor visibility. By 1914, the British Admiralty developed a secret technical-tactical system that was intended to destroy the German battle fleet within five minutes through rapid independent fire at medium range while at the same time avoiding the threat posed by German torpedoes. The synthesis was never tested in battle, however, for the Germans did not act as the British expected. Moreover, by emphasizing this synthesis, the British failed to acquire adequate gunnery equipment for shooting at long range, creating vulnerabilities when the Grand Fleet encountered the German fleet at the Battle of Jutland in 1916.<ref> Sumida, "A Matter of Timing: The Royal Navy and the Tactics of Decisive Battle, 1912–1916," (2003).</ref> Brooks (2005)<ref> John Brooks, ''Dreadnought Gunnery and the Battle of Jutland: The Question of Fire Control'' (2005); he is sharply criticized in Sumida (2005)</ref> seeks to correct what he sees as the negative prevailing view of the Dryer Table system of gunnery fire control used by British warships at Jutland. He argues that the system worked well in the battle and that it was a superior system to the competing Argo method. Brooks further alleges that the British cruiser losses in the battle were due to tactical errors made by Vice Admiral Sir David Beatty rather than any flaw in the Dryer Table.

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The tactical objectives of gunnery policy were accurate deliberate fire at long ranges in good visibility, and effective rapid fire at short ranges in the event of poor visibility. By 1914, the British Admiralty developed a secret technical-tactical system that was intended to destroy the German battle fleet within five minutes through rapid independent fire at medium range while at the same time avoiding the threat posed by German torpedoes. The synthesis was never tested in battle, however, for the Germans did not act as the British expected. Moreover, by emphasizing this synthesis, the British failed to acquire adequate gunnery equipment for shooting at long range, creating vulnerabilities when the Grand Fleet encountered the German fleet at the Battle of Jutland in 1916.<ref>Sumida, "A Matter of Timing: The Royal Navy and the Tactics of Decisive Battle, 1912–1916," (2003).</ref> Brooks (2005)<ref>John Brooks, ''Dreadnought Gunnery and the Battle of Jutland: The Question of Fire Control'' (2005); he is sharply criticized in Sumida (2005)</ref> seeks to correct what he sees as the negative prevailing view of the Dryer Table system of gunnery fire control used by British warships at Jutland. He argues that the system worked well in the battle and that it was a superior system to the competing Argo method. Brooks further alleges that the British cruiser losses in the battle were due to tactical errors made by Vice Admiral Sir David Beatty rather than any flaw in the Dryer Table.

Although the British were disappointed with their showing, the German fleet was driven back to its ports and rarely, in the two remaining years of the war, was it able to leave them. The great German fleet was indeed useless in the face of the more powerful Royal Navy. so hundreds of naval guns up to 380mm bore and 47,000 meter range were removed from the ships and sent by railway to deploy on the Western Front.

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In World War II night engagements proved that standard smokeless powder created a flash that temporarily blinded the ships' crews. Various flash suppressors were devised and mixed with the powder, which was formed into grains for small guns and into pellets for the larger guns. The British used a multiple-based powder, Cordite N, which was relatively flash-free, but which the U.S. Navy considered to be brittle, unduly sensitive to shock, and hazardous in hot climates. As a result the U.S. developed other flashless powders and was placing one of them, Albanite, in large scale production at the end of World War II.

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Despite the adoption of smokeless powder, black powder still continued in use as a burster charge for projectiles until just before World War I, when more powerful and less sensitive explosives were adopted. In the U.S. Navy, trinitrotoluene ([[TNT]]) was adopted for smaller projectiles and Explosive D (ammonium picrate) for the larger ones. These continued in use throughout World War II, although by the end of the war more powerful explosives had come into use, particularly in the smaller antiaircraft projectiles. If the entire spectra of powder uses is ~~considered--torpedoes~~, mines, aerial bombs, and rockets, as well as large and small ~~projectiles--the~~ trend in explosive development, beginning with the adoption of smokeless powder, was to recognize the special demands of various uses and to formulate specialized compounds tailor-made to particular requirements.

+

Despite the adoption of smokeless powder, black powder still continued in use as a burster charge for projectiles until just before World War I, when more powerful and less sensitive explosives were adopted. In the U.S. Navy, trinitrotoluene ([[TNT]]) was adopted for smaller projectiles and Explosive D (ammonium picrate) for the larger ones. These continued in use throughout World War II, although by the end of the war more powerful explosives had come into use, particularly in the smaller antiaircraft projectiles. If the entire spectra of powder uses is considered—torpedoes, mines, aerial bombs, and rockets, as well as large and small projectiles—the trend in explosive development, beginning with the adoption of smokeless powder, was to recognize the special demands of various uses and to formulate specialized compounds tailor-made to particular requirements.

===End of the battleships===

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===Missiles===

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After 1960 another revolution was ~~initiated--that~~ of the [[guided missile]]. The influence of the guided missile on warfare has been comparable in effect to the introduction of the gun in the 14th century, steam and mechanization in the 19th century, or the aircraft in the 20th century. Early missiles were launched from shore bases or from aircraft, and with the exception of the German [[V-2]] rocket, were essentially unmanned aircraft; however, the overall capability of missiles has been greatly extended in the postwar years.

+

After 1960 another revolution was initiated—that of the [[guided missile]]. The influence of the guided missile on warfare has been comparable in effect to the introduction of the gun in the 14th century, steam and mechanization in the 19th century, or the aircraft in the 20th century. Early missiles were launched from shore bases or from aircraft, and with the exception of the German [[V-2]] rocket, were essentially unmanned aircraft; however, the overall capability of missiles has been greatly extended in the postwar years.

Missiles are classified by their launching vehicle and target as air-to-air, air-to-surface, surface-to-surface, underwater-to-surface, or surface-to-air. This classification clearly indicates their relationship to other naval weapons: the air-to-air missile is replacing the gun in naval aircraft; the air-to-surface missile, the aerial bomb; the surface-to-surface and underwater-to-surface missiles the long-range heavy gun; and the surface-to-air missile is replacing the antiaircraft battery. Many U.S. cruisers, destroyers, and aircraft carriers are fitted with surface-to-air missiles. Other naval powers also have guided-missile ships in operation. Most guided-missile ships are still equipped with guns, although the trend is toward increasing the number of missile batteries and decreasing the number of guns.

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The threat of enemy missile attacks required a radical rethinking of command and control operations. Traditional reaction time, firepower and operational availability in all environments no longer matched the threat. In the 1960s the U.S. Navy developed an Advanced Surface Missile System (ASMS), renamed AEGIS in 1969.

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AEGIS is designed as a complete system, integrating state-of-the-art radar and missile systems. The missile launching system, the computer programs, the radar and the displays are fully integrated to work together. This makes the AEGIS system the first fully integrated combat system built to defend against advanced air, surface and subsurface threats. The AEGIS combat system is highly integrated and capable of simultaneous warfare on several ~~fronts -- air~~, surface, subsurface and strike. Anti-air warfare elements include the radar system AN/SPY-1B/D, command and decision system and weapons control system.<ref>Jane's. ''AEGIS weapon system MK-7'' (2007)</ref>

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AEGIS is designed as a complete system, integrating state-of-the-art radar and missile systems. The missile launching system, the computer programs, the radar and the displays are fully integrated to work together. This makes the AEGIS system the first fully integrated combat system built to defend against advanced air, surface and subsurface threats. The AEGIS combat system is highly integrated and capable of simultaneous warfare on several fronts—air, surface, subsurface and strike. Anti-air warfare elements include the radar system AN/SPY-1B/D, command and decision system and weapons control system.<ref>Jane's. ''AEGIS weapon system MK-7'' (2007)</ref>

====Notes====

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* Greene, Jack, and Alessandro Massignani. ''Ironclads at War: The Origin and Development of the Armored Warship, 1854-1891'' (1998) [http://www.questia.com/read/100927342 online edition]

* Guilmartin, John F., Jr. "The Earliest Shipboard Gunpowder Ordnanace: an Analysis of its Technical Parameters and Tactical Capabilities." ''Journal of Military History'' 2007 71(3): 649-669. Issn: 0899-3718 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]], focus on 14-16th century

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* Guilmartin, John F., Jr. "The Guns of the Santíssimo Sacramento," ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4. (Oct., 1983), pp. ~~559-601~~. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28198310%2924%3A4%3C559%3ATGOTSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]

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* Guilmartin, John F., Jr. "The Guns of the Santíssimo Sacramento," ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4. (Oct., 1983), pp. 559–601. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28198310%2924%3A4%3C559%3ATGOTSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]

* Guilmartin, John F., Jr. ''Gunpowder and Galleys: Changing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Sixteenth Century'' (2nd ed. 2003)

* Hodges, Peter. ''The Big Gun: Battleship Main Armament 1860-1945'', (1981), highly detailed coverage

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* Hone, Trent. "The Evolution of Fleet Tactical Doctrine in the U.S. Navy, 1922-1941," ''The Journal of Military History'' - Volume 67, Number 4, October 2003, pp. ~~1107-1148~~ in [[Project Muse]]

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* Hone, Trent. "The Evolution of Fleet Tactical Doctrine in the U.S. Navy, 1922-1941," ''The Journal of Military History'' - Volume 67, Number 4, October 2003, pp. 1107–1148 in [[Project Muse]]

* Jane's. ''AEGIS weapon system MK-7'' (2007) [http://www.janes.com/defence/naval_forces/news/misc/aegis010425.shtml online edition]

* Lambert, Nicholas A. "'Our Bloody Ships' or 'Our Bloody System'? Jutland and the Loss of the Battle Cruisers, 1916," ''Journal of Military History'' 62 (January 1998): 29–56. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0899-3718(199801)62%3A1%3C29%3A%22BSO%22B%3E2.0.CO%3B2-P in JSTOR]

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* McNeil, William. ''The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Forces and Society since 1000 AD'' (1982)

* Morison, Elting E. ''Men Machines and Modern Times'' (1968) [http://www.amazon.com/Machines-Modern-Times-Elting-Morison/dp/0262630184/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1203309361&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]

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* Mulligan, Timothy. "Ship-of-the-Line or Atlantic Raider? Battleship Bismarck Between Design Limitations and Naval Strategy," ''The Journal of Military History'' 69#4 October 2005, pp. ~~1013-1044~~ in [[Project Muse]]

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* Mulligan, Timothy. "Ship-of-the-Line or Atlantic Raider? Battleship Bismarck Between Design Limitations and Naval Strategy," ''The Journal of Military History'' 69#4 October 2005, pp. 1013–1044 in [[Project Muse]]

* Parkes, Oscar ''British Battleships: 'Warrior' 1860 to 'Vanguard' 1950 - A History of Design, Construction and Armament'' (1990) Naval Institute, Annapolis

* Ramsey, Hobart Cole. ''Elementary Naval Ordnance and Gunnery'' (1918), textbook for U.S. Navy [http://books.google.com/books?id=IHkDAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=intitle:NAVAL+intitle:ordnance&lr=&num=30&as_brr=1&ei=6Ye6R8ODOILusgPRrq2MBQ#PPR7,M1 online complete edition]

* Robertson, Frederick Leslie. ''The Evolution of Naval Armament'' (1921)

* Sondhaus, Lawrence. ''Naval Warfare, 1815-1914'' (2001) [http://www.questia.com/read/109459237 online edition]

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* Turnbull, Stephen, and Wayne Reynolds. ''Fighting Ships of the Far East (1)'' (2002), Osprey Publishing. ISBN:1841763861 [http://books.google.com/books?id=D5dGNT9JGE0C&pg=PT21&vq=cannon&dq=fighting+ship+far&output=html&source=gbs_search_s&cad=4&sig=zA7dDeMITS8Zm4rXMx1kSvqxkS8 Google books]

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* Turnbull, Stephen, and Wayne Reynolds. ''Fighting Ships of the Far East (1)'' (2002), Osprey Publishing. ISBN 1841763861 [http://books.google.com/books?id=D5dGNT9JGE0C&pg=PT21&vq=cannon&dq=fighting+ship+far&output=html&source=gbs_search_s&cad=4&sig=zA7dDeMITS8Zm4rXMx1kSvqxkS8 Google books]

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* Steele, Brett D. "Muskets and Pendulums: Benjamin Robins, Leonhard Euler, and the Ballistics Revolution," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1994), pp. ~~348-382~~ [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X(199404)35%3A2%3C348%3AMAPBRL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1 in JSTOR]

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* Steele, Brett D. "Muskets and Pendulums: Benjamin Robins, Leonhard Euler, and the Ballistics Revolution," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1994), pp. 348–382 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X(199404)35%3A2%3C348%3AMAPBRL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1 in JSTOR]

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "The Quest for Reach: The Development of Long-Range Gunnery in the Royal Navy, 1901–1912," in Stephen D. Chiabotti, ed., ''Military Transformation in the Industrial Age'' (1996), 49–96.

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "A Matter of Timing: The Royal Navy and the Tactics of Decisive Battle, 1912–1916," ''Journal of Military History'' 67 (January 2003): 85–136 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0899-3718(200301)67%3A1%3C85%3AAMOTTR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C in JSTOR]

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* Scott, Percy ''Fifty Years in the Royal Navy'' (1919) John Murray, London ([http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=SrwBAAAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover online edition])

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==~~see~~ also==

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==See also==

* [[Battleship]]

*[[Cruiser]]

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[[~~category~~:~~warships~~]]

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[[Category:Warships]]

[[Category:Weaponry]]

[[Category:United States Navy]]

[[Category:Naval History]]

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