Changes

see [[Naval warfare]]

see [[Naval warfare]]

==First guns: 15th century==

==First guns: 15th century==

The first authenticated mention of a naval gun came in the early 15th century, shortly after the appearance of land-based artillery. Italian and English warships carried guns by 1440. They were about 4 feet long with 4-inch caliber.<ref>Kelly R. DeVries, "A 1445 Reference to Shipboard Artillery," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 31, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 818-829 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28199010%2931%3A4%3C818%3AA1RTSA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8  in JSTOR]</ref> The early guns were simple tubes built up from long bars of iron held together with iron bands. These guns were breechloaders with a separate [[gunpowder]] chamber, or servidor, which was wedged into the breech after the stone or iron cannon ball, had been inserted. Muzzle-loading cast-bronze guns came into use soon after the wrought-iron breechloaders. Cast-iron guns came into being soon after cast-bronze guns. Despite distinct advantages of cast iron, its heaviness, the rust factor and the great danger to crewmen when it burst meant that for centuries heavy cast-iron and lighter cast-bronze guns (which split rather than burst) were both used.

The first authenticated mention of a naval gun came in the early 15th century, shortly after the appearance of land-based artillery. Italian and English warships carried guns by 1440. They were about 4 feet long with 4-inch caliber.<ref>Kelly R. DeVries, "A 1445 Reference to Shipboard Artillery," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 31, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 818-829 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28199010%2931%3A4%3C818%3AA1RTSA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8  in JSTOR]</ref> The early guns were simple tubes built up from long bars of iron held together with iron bands. These guns were breechloaders with a separate [[gunpowder]] chamber, or servidor, which was wedged into the breech after the stone or iron cannonball, had been inserted. Muzzle-loading cast-bronze guns came into use soon after the wrought-iron breechloaders. Cast-iron guns came into being soon after cast-bronze guns. Despite distinct advantages of cast iron, its heaviness, the rust factor and the great danger to crewmen when it burst meant that for centuries heavy cast-iron and lighter cast-bronze guns (which split rather than burst) were both used.

In the mid-16th century, cast-iron, cast-bronze, and banded wrought-iron guns were all used aboard ship, as is evidenced by the salvage of the ''Mary Rose'' the flagship of English King [[Henry VIII]] (sunk in 1545 and salvaged in 1836) which contained guns of all three types. Arrows and stones, used in early guns, gave way to cast-iron balls.<ref>David Childs, "Shock and Oar: Mary Rose and the Fear French Galleys," ''History Today'' 57#4 (April 2007) pp 41+. [http://www.questia.com/read/5021460836 online edition]</ref>

In the mid-16th century, cast-iron, cast-bronze, and banded wrought-iron guns were all used aboard ship, as is evidenced by the salvage of the ''Mary Rose'' the flagship of English King [[Henry VIII]] (sunk in 1545 and salvaged in 1836) which contained guns of all three types. Arrows and stones, used in early guns, gave way to cast-iron balls.<ref>David Childs, "Shock and Oar: Mary Rose and the Fear French Galleys," ''History Today'' 57#4 (April 2007) pp 41+. [http://www.questia.com/read/5021460836 online edition]</ref>

: ''Her lower tyre [tier] hath thirty ports which are to be furnished with demicannon and whole cannon; her middle tyre hath also thirty ports for demiculverin and whole culverin; her third tyre hath twentie six ports for other ordnance; her forecastle hath twelve ports, and her half deck hath fourteen ports; she hath thirteen or fourteene ports more within board for murdering pieces, besides a great many loope-holes out of the cabins for musket shot. Shee carrieth moreover, ten pieces of chase ordnance in her right forward, and ten right aft, according to lande service in the front and reare.''

: ''Her lower tyre [tier] hath thirty ports which are to be furnished with demicannon and whole cannon; her middle tyre hath also thirty ports for demiculverin and whole culverin; her third tyre hath twentie six ports for other ordnance; her forecastle hath twelve ports, and her half deck hath fourteen ports; she hath thirteen or fourteene ports more within board for murdering pieces, besides a great many loope-holes out of the cabins for musket shot. Shee carrieth moreover, ten pieces of chase ordnance in her right forward, and ten right aft, according to lande service in the front and reare.''

The 19th-century warship was superficially similar to its 17th-century counterpart. [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]], the leading naval historian of the 1890s, greatly exaggerated the prowess of 17th century ships, endowing them with firepower, seakeeping capability, and crusing endurance of ships built in 1800. However much more is now known; for example the guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,'' a Portugese galleon that sank in 1668 have been recovered and analyzed by naval archaeologists.<ref>John F. Guilmartin, Jr. "The Guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,"'' ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), pp. 559-601 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28198310%2924%3A4%3C559%3ATGOTSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]</ref>  Mahan assumed they were equally capable of operating for extended periods at some distance from their home ports, but they were not, and thus the opportunities for a decisive fleet battle like Trfalgar were much less.   

The 19th-century warship was superficially similar to its 17th-century counterpart. [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]], the leading naval historian of the 1890s, greatly exaggerated the prowess of 17th century ships, endowing them with firepower, seakeeping capability, and cruising endurance of ships built in 1800. However much more is now known; for example the guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,'' a Portuguese galleon that sank in 1668 have been recovered and analyzed by naval archaeologists.<ref>John F. Guilmartin, Jr. "The Guns of the ''Santíssimo Sacramento,"'' ''Technology and Culture,'' Vol. 24, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), pp. 559-601 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X%28198310%2924%3A4%3C559%3ATGOTSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]</ref>  Mahan assumed they were equally capable of operating for extended periods at some distance from their home ports, but they were not, and thus the opportunities for a decisive fleet battle like Trfalgar were much less.   

The first of 12 Spanish three-deck ships-of-the-line was the ''Real Felipe'' (1732–50), which displaced 1,965 tons, carried a crew of 1,250, and mounted 114 guns. Its most significant action occurred with the French against the English in the Battle of Toulon in February 1744.   

The first of 12 Spanish three-deck ships-of-the-line was the ''Real Felipe'' (1732–50), which displaced 1,965 tons, carried a crew of 1,250, and mounted 114 guns. Its most significant action occurred with the French against the English in the Battle of Toulon in February 1744.   

In ''A Proposal for Increasing the Strength of the British Navy'' (1747) Robins proposed a new naval gun design based on his models, and in 1779, the carronade was invented to incorporate Robins' ideas. These short-barreled, light-weight, large-bore guns used a small powder charge and the same projectile as did the long guns. As Continental scientists like [[Leonhard Euler]] developed Robins' ideas, Navies across Europe hurried to adopt Robins' proposals.<ref>Brett D. Steele, "Muskets and Pendulums: Benjamin Robins, Leonhard Euler, and the Ballistics Revolution," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1994), pp. 348-382 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X(199404)35%3A2%3C348%3AMAPBRL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1 in JSTOR]</ref>  The British put carronades on existing ships and armed many of the smaller warships, such as frigates, sloops, and brigs, entirely with carronades. Similar guns were put into service by the Dutch, French, Spanish, and American navies. The carronade's short range eventually led to loss of interest in it as a naval weapon. In two actions during the [[War of 1812]], this shortcoming was an important factor in determining the victor. In the [[Battle of Lake Erie]], American forces fought with long guns from beyond the range of British ships, and the English commodore reported, "We remained in this mortifying situation five hours, having only six guns in all the squadron that would reach the enemy, not a carronade being fired."<ref>Quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=bxkbAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA294&dq=%22We+remained+in+this+mortifying+situation+five+hours%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 Theodore Roosevelt, ''The Naval War of 1812'' (1882) page 294]</ref> In another action, the British ships Phoebe and Cherub, armed with long guns, captured the American frigate Essex, which was equipped almost entirely with carronades. Despite its shortcomings, the carronade demonstrated the importance of quick-firing weapons and the need to use projectiles which fitted snugly into the bore of the gun.<ref>Frederick Leslie Robertson, ''The Evolution of Naval Armament'' (1921) pp 112-39</ref>

In ''A Proposal for Increasing the Strength of the British Navy'' (1747) Robins proposed a new naval gun design based on his models, and in 1779, the carronade was invented to incorporate Robins' ideas. These short-barreled, light-weight, large-bore guns used a small powder charge and the same projectile as did the long guns. As Continental scientists like [[Leonhard Euler]] developed Robins' ideas, Navies across Europe hurried to adopt Robins' proposals.<ref>Brett D. Steele, "Muskets and Pendulums: Benjamin Robins, Leonhard Euler, and the Ballistics Revolution," ''Technology and Culture'', Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1994), pp. 348-382 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0040-165X(199404)35%3A2%3C348%3AMAPBRL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1 in JSTOR]</ref>  The British put carronades on existing ships and armed many of the smaller warships, such as frigates, sloops, and brigs, entirely with carronades. Similar guns were put into service by the Dutch, French, Spanish, and American navies. The carronade's short range eventually led to loss of interest in it as a naval weapon. In two actions during the [[War of 1812]], this shortcoming was an important factor in determining the victor. In the [[Battle of Lake Erie]], American forces fought with long guns from beyond the range of British ships, and the English commodore reported, "We remained in this mortifying situation five hours, having only six guns in all the squadron that would reach the enemy, not a carronade being fired."<ref>Quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=bxkbAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA294&dq=%22We+remained+in+this+mortifying+situation+five+hours%22&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 Theodore Roosevelt, ''The Naval War of 1812'' (1882) page 294]</ref> In another action, the British ships Phoebe and Cherub, armed with long guns, captured the American frigate Essex, which was equipped almost entirely with carronades. Despite its shortcomings, the carronade demonstrated the importance of quick-firing weapons and the need to use projectiles which fitted snugly into the bore of the gun.<ref>Frederick Leslie Robertson, ''The Evolution of Naval Armament'' (1921) pp 112-39</ref>

===Fire ships and mortars===

===Fire ships and mortars===

Naval gunnery focused on the broadside ship and the long guns that served as decisive elements in combat. For other naval purposes, however, other gunnery devices were used. The "fire ship" which was loosed into enemy ship concentrations was a weapon of antiquity. With the development of gunpowder, powder ships were used in preference to fire ships. For example, in a 1693 attack on the French port of Saint-Malo, the British Commodore Benbow loaded a galliot with 100 barrels of powder and 340 chests containing cannon balls, iron chains, large pieces of metal, and other destructive missiles. This ship was cast adrift and grounded on a rock in the harbor where it exploded, blowing down part of the town wall and severely damaging the houses.

Naval gunnery focused on the broadside ship and the long guns that served as decisive elements in combat. For other naval purposes, however, other gunnery devices were used. The "fire ship" which was loosed into enemy ship concentrations was a weapon of antiquity. With the development of gunpowder, powder ships were used in preference to fire ships. For example, in a 1693 attack on the French port of Saint-Malo, the British Commodore Benbow loaded a galliot with 100 barrels of powder and 340 chests containing cannonballs, iron chains, large pieces of metal, and other destructive missiles. This ship was cast adrift and grounded on a rock in the harbor where it exploded, blowing down part of the town wall and severely damaging the houses.

In addition to powder boats, bomb ketches were used for attacking facilities ashore. These were equipped with '''mortars''', cannon with a large bore and a short barrel which threw their projectiles at a high angle and were particularly well suited for attacking targets protected by heavy walls. The French in the siege of Algiers in 1681 used seven bomb ketches, or ''galliotes-à-bombes'', each mounting two mortars, some of which were 14-inch caliber and threw 140-pound projectiles. These projectiles were perforated or laced envelopes containing conbustibles and were ignited by the explosion of the propellant charge.

In addition to powder boats, bomb ketches were used for attacking facilities ashore. These were equipped with '''mortars''', cannon with a large bore and a short barrel which threw their projectiles at a high angle and were particularly well suited for attacking targets protected by heavy walls. The French in the siege of Algiers in 1681 used seven bomb ketches, or ''galliotes-à-bombes'', each mounting two mortars, some of which were 14-inch caliber and threw 140-pound projectiles. These projectiles were perforated or laced envelopes containing conbustibles and were ignited by the explosion of the propellant charge.

===Naval race===

===Naval race===

Paixhans and his followers immediately realized the need to protect their ships from the penetrating power of rifled shot. Iron plates 7 inches thick proved vulnerable to 8-inch shells. As a rule of thumb, another inch of armor was needed for every inch of shell diameter. Armor was very heavy, so the ship had to be enlarged to carry big guns and thick armor.  The French breakthough came with the ''Gloire'' (1859), built wood covered by 4.5 inch iron plates from the main deck to below the waterline; the 5600 ton battleship carried 30 6.5 inch guns and boasted a top speed of 14 knots. It was a major breakthough and but Britain leapfrogged it in 1860 with the ''Warrior'' (1861), which was twice as big and had an all-iron hull.<ref>see  [http://books.google.com/books?id=LPIDAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA344&dq=gloire+warrior&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 William Pole, ed. ''The Life of Sir William Fairbairn, Bart.'' (1877) online ch 20, pp. 344ff]</ref>  

Paixhans and his followers immediately realized the need to protect their ships from the penetrating power of rifled shot. Iron plates 7 inches thick proved vulnerable to 8-inch shells. As a rule of thumb, another inch of armor was needed for every inch of shell diameter. Armor was very heavy, so the ship had to be enlarged to carry big guns and thick armor.  The French breakthrough came with the ''Gloire'' (1859), built wood covered by 4.5 inch iron plates from the main deck to below the waterline; the 5600 ton battleship carried 30 6.5 inch guns and boasted a top speed of 14 knots. It was a major breakthrough and but Britain leapfrogged it in 1860 with the ''Warrior'' (1861), which was twice as big and had an all-iron hull.<ref>see  [http://books.google.com/books?id=LPIDAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA344&dq=gloire+warrior&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0 William Pole, ed. ''The Life of Sir William Fairbairn, Bart.'' (1877) online ch 20, pp. 344ff]</ref>  

The battle of the ironclad ''Virginia'' (previously known as the ''Merrimac'')  and the all-iron ''Monitor'' in the [[U.S. Civil War]] in March 1862 was the first battle between ironclads. The Confederacy lacked the resources to buld more, but the Union Navy built dozens of turreted ships of the ''Monitor'' type, as well as many casemated ironclad paddle-boats with heavy gus to control the inland rivers. Eirope followed these developments closely, making ''Gloire'', ''Warrior'', and ''Monitor'' the models for ship design until 1900; France and Britain took the lead, with the U.S. trailing far behind Italy and Germany.

The battle of the ironclad ''Virginia'' (previously known as the ''Merrimac'')  and the all-iron ''Monitor'' in the [[U.S. Civil War]] in March 1862 was the first battle between ironclads. The Confederacy lacked the resources to build more, but the Union Navy built dozens of turreted ships of the ''Monitor'' type, as well as many casemated ironclad paddle-boats with heavy gus to control the inland rivers. Eirope followed these developments closely, making ''Gloire'', ''Warrior'', and ''Monitor'' the models for ship design until 1900; France and Britain took the lead, with the U.S. trailing far behind Italy and Germany.

The naval race in technology pitted the Italian ''Duilio'' and the British ''Inflexible'', both completed in 1876. The Italians first planned to use four 35-ton guns on the "Duilio", but in response to the manufacturer's offer to make guns of much greater weight and power determined to adopt 60-ton guns. The British, who had planned to install 60-ton guns on the ''Inflexible'', then decided to mount 16.5-inch guns weighing 80 tons. The Italians in turn adopted 17.7-inch guns weighing 100 tons for the ''Duilio''. This competition indicated that the striving for superiority in individual ships was one of the guiding principles of naval construction.

The naval race in technology pitted the Italian ''Duilio'' and the British ''Inflexible'', both completed in 1876. The Italians first planned to use four 35-ton guns on the "Duilio", but in response to the manufacturer's offer to make guns of much greater weight and power determined to adopt 60-ton guns. The British, who had planned to install 60-ton guns on the ''Inflexible'', then decided to mount 16.5-inch guns weighing 80 tons. The Italians in turn adopted 17.7-inch guns weighing 100 tons for the ''Duilio''. This competition indicated that the striving for superiority in individual ships was one of the guiding principles of naval construction.

===Further development of powder===

===Further development of powder===

In World War II night engagements proved that standard smokeless powder created a flash that temporarily blinded the ships' crews. Various flash suppressors were devised and mixed with the powder, which was formed into grains for small guns and into pellets for the larger guns. The British used a multiple-based powder, Cordite N, which was relatively flash-free, but which the U.S. Navy considered to be brittle, unduly sensitive to shock, and hazardous in hot climates. As a result the U.S. developed other flashless powders and was placing one of them, Albanite, in large scale production at the end of World War II.

In World War II night engagements proved that standard smokeless powder created a flash that temporarily blinded the ships' crews. Various flash suppressors were devised and mixed with the powder, which was formed into grains for small guns and into pellets for the larger guns. The British used a multiple-based powder, Cordite N, which was relatively flash-free, but which the U.S. Navy considered to be brittle, unduly sensitive to shock, and hazardous in hot climates. As a result, the U.S. developed other flashless powders and was placing one of them, Albanite, in large scale production at the end of World War II.

Despite the adoption of smokeless powder, black powder still continued in use as a burster charge for projectiles until just before World War I, when more powerful and less sensitive explosives were adopted. In the U.S. Navy, trinitrotoluene ([[TNT]]) was adopted for smaller projectiles and Explosive D (ammonium picrate) for the larger ones. These continued in use throughout World War II, although by the end of the war more powerful explosives had come into use, particularly in the smaller antiaircraft projectiles. If the entire spectra of powder uses is considered—torpedoes, mines, aerial bombs, and rockets, as well as large and small projectiles—the trend in explosive development, beginning with the adoption of smokeless powder, was to recognize the special demands of various uses and to formulate specialized compounds tailor-made to particular requirements.

Despite the adoption of smokeless powder, black powder still continued in use as a burster charge for projectiles until just before World War I, when more powerful and less sensitive explosives were adopted. In the U.S. Navy, trinitrotoluene ([[TNT]]) was adopted for smaller projectiles and Explosive D (ammonium picrate) for the larger ones. These continued in use throughout World War II, although by the end of the war more powerful explosives had come into use, particularly in the smaller antiaircraft projectiles. If the entire spectra of powder uses is considered—torpedoes, mines, aerial bombs, and rockets, as well as large and small projectiles—the trend in explosive development, beginning with the adoption of smokeless powder, was to recognize the special demands of various uses and to formulate specialized compounds tailor-made to particular requirements.

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "The Quest for Reach: The Development of Long-Range Gunnery in the Royal Navy, 1901–1912," in Stephen D. Chiabotti, ed., ''Military Transformation in the Industrial Age'' (1996), 49–96.  

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "The Quest for Reach: The Development of Long-Range Gunnery in the Royal Navy, 1901–1912," in Stephen D. Chiabotti, ed., ''Military Transformation in the Industrial Age'' (1996), 49–96.  

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "A Matter of Timing: The Royal Navy and the Tactics of Decisive Battle, 1912–1916," ''Journal of Military History'' 67 (January 2003): 85–136 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0899-3718(200301)67%3A1%3C85%3AAMOTTR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C in JSTOR]

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "A Matter of Timing: The Royal Navy and the Tactics of Decisive Battle, 1912–1916," ''Journal of Military History'' 67 (January 2003): 85–136 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0899-3718(200301)67%3A1%3C85%3AAMOTTR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C in JSTOR]

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "Gunnery, Procurement, and Strategy in the Dreadnought Era," ''The Journal of Military History'' v69#4 (2005) 1179-1187  online at [[Project Muse]]

* Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "Gunnery, Procurement, and Strategy in the Dreadnought Era," ''The Journal of Military History'' v69#4 (2005) 1179-1187  online at Project Muse

* Weller, Donald M. "Salvo-splash! The Development of Naval Gunfire Support in World War II". ''United States Naval Institute Proceedings'' 1954 80(8): 839-849, 1011-1021

* Weller, Donald M. "Salvo-splash! The Development of Naval Gunfire Support in World War II". ''United States Naval Institute Proceedings'' 1954 80(8): 839-849, 1011-1021