Changes

Again elected (from Massachusetts this time) he served in the House (1823-1827) and in the U.S. Senate (1827-1841) as a [[Whig Party|Whig]]. Webster wanted the national government to speed up modernization through a high ("protective") tariff, a national bank, and transportation improvements. Earlier, he had opposed the tariff of 1816, but with the rise of the textile industry in New England he gradually changed his position, and in 1828 he supported the "tariff of abominations," as it was called by antiprotectionists, especially in the South. In the Webster-Hayne debate of January 1830 Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina expounded the nullification doctrine, which [[John C. Calhoun]] had adopted as a way of safeguarding the interests of the planter class. Webster upheld the powers of the federal government, concluding with the words: "Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one and inseparable!" He sided with President [[Andrew Jackson]], a Democrat, and favored the use of presidential force when (1832-1833) South Carolina attempted to nullify the tariff laws.  

Again elected (from Massachusetts this time) he served in the House (1823-1827) and in the U.S. Senate (1827-1841) as a [[Whig Party|Whig]]. Webster wanted the national government to speed up modernization through a high ("protective") tariff, a national bank, and transportation improvements. Earlier, he had opposed the tariff of 1816, but with the rise of the textile industry in New England he gradually changed his position, and in 1828 he supported the "tariff of abominations," as it was called by antiprotectionists, especially in the South. In the Webster-Hayne debate of January 1830 Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina expounded the nullification doctrine, which [[John C. Calhoun]] had adopted as a way of safeguarding the interests of the planter class. Webster upheld the powers of the federal government, concluding with the words: "Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one and inseparable!" He sided with President [[Andrew Jackson]], a Democrat, and favored the use of presidential force when (1832-1833) South Carolina attempted to nullify the tariff laws.  

Webster opposed Jackson on the central issue of the day, the Second Bank of the United States. Webster tried and failed to prolong the federal charter for the bank, which expired in 1836. It was known and accepted at the time that he received a retainer from the bank for his political services to it. Along with his perennial Whig rival, [[Henry Clay]], he became a leader of the new [[Whig Party]] and in 1836 was one of its regional candidates for the presidency; he carried only his own state of Massachusetts.

Webster opposed Jackson on the central issue of the day, the Second Bank of the United States. Webster tried and failed to prolong the federal charter for the bank, which expired in 1836. It was known and accepted at the time that he received a retainer from the bank for his political services to it. Along with his perennial Whig rival, [[Henry Clay]], he became a leader of the new Whig Party and in 1836 was one of its regional candidates for the presidency; he carried only his own state of Massachusetts.

Webster, in his speech at the "Mass Meeting at Saratoga," makes a similarly consensual plea for the establishment of a common currency throughout the U.S., and uses the analogy of the circulation of currency through the nation and the circulation of blood through the body in order to represent the interdependency between the idea of Union and its material, particular manifestations.[7]  

Webster, in his speech at the "Mass Meeting at Saratoga," makes a similarly consensual plea for the establishment of a common currency throughout the U.S., and uses the analogy of the circulation of currency through the nation and the circulation of blood through the body in order to represent the interdependency between the idea of Union and its material, particular manifestations.[7]  

In 1840 Webster spoke at Saratoga, New York, to rebut [[Andrew Jackson]]'s attack on the National Bank as a danger to the nation. Webster insists there must be some form of abstract assurance for the nation's economic continuity.  His argument was not so much a specialist economic analysis but rather a depiction of the national currency as intrinsic and fundamental to the larger question of national unity and sovereignty. The logic of his presentation thus persuades the audience of its details by first getting it to embrace his grand vision of the American Union:

In 1840 Webster spoke at Saratoga, New York, to rebut Andrew Jackson's attack on the National Bank as a danger to the nation. Webster insists there must be some form of abstract assurance for the nation's economic continuity.  His argument was not so much a specialist economic analysis but rather a depiction of the national currency as intrinsic and fundamental to the larger question of national unity and sovereignty. The logic of his presentation thus persuades the audience of its details by first getting it to embrace his grand vision of the American Union:

:"When that fluid in the human system indispensable to life becomes disordered, corrupted, or obstructed in its circulation, not the head or the heart alone suffers; but the whole body--head, heart, and hand, all the members, and all the extremities--is affected with debility, paralysis, numbness, and death. The analogy between the human system and the social and political system is complete; and what the lifeblood is to the former, circulation, money, currency, is to the latter; and if that be disordered or corrupted, paralysis must fall on the system.  The original, leading, main cause, then, of all our difficulties and disasters, is the disordered state of the circulation. This is, perhaps, not a perfectly obvious truth; and yet it is one susceptible of easy demonstration. In order to explain this the more readily, I wish to bring your minds to the consideration of the internal condition, and the vast domestic trade, of the United States. Our country is not a small province or canton, but an empire, extending over a large and diversified surface, with a population of various conditions and pursuits. It is in this variety that consists its prosperity; for the different parts become useful one to the other, not by identity, but by difference, of production, and thus each by interchange contributes to the interest of the other. Hence, our internal trade, that which carries on this exchange of the products and industry of the different portions of the United States, is one of our most important interests, I had almost said the most important. Its operations are easy and silent, not always perceptible, but diffusing health and life throughout the system by the intercourse thus promoted, from neighborhood to neighborhood, and from State to State.  This circuit of trade, in a country of such great extent as ours, demands, more than in any country under heaven, a uniform currency for the whole people; that what is money in Carolina shall be so elsewhere; that what the Kentucky drover receives, what the planter of Alabama sells for, what the laborer in New York gets in pay for his work, and carries home to support his family, shall be of ascertained and uniform value."<ref>''Select Speeches of Daniel Webster 1817-1845'' (1903)</ref>

:"When that fluid in the human system indispensable to life becomes disordered, corrupted, or obstructed in its circulation, not the head or the heart alone suffers; but the whole body--head, heart, and hand, all the members, and all the extremities--is affected with debility, paralysis, numbness, and death. The analogy between the human system and the social and political system is complete; and what the lifeblood is to the former, circulation, money, currency, is to the latter; and if that be disordered or corrupted, paralysis must fall on the system.  The original, leading, main cause, then, of all our difficulties and disasters, is the disordered state of the circulation. This is, perhaps, not a perfectly obvious truth; and yet it is one susceptible of easy demonstration. In order to explain this the more readily, I wish to bring your minds to the consideration of the internal condition, and the vast domestic trade, of the United States. Our country is not a small province or canton, but an empire, extending over a large and diversified surface, with a population of various conditions and pursuits. It is in this variety that consists its prosperity; for the different parts become useful one to the other, not by identity, but by difference, of production, and thus each by interchange contributes to the interest of the other. Hence, our internal trade, that which carries on this exchange of the products and industry of the different portions of the United States, is one of our most important interests, I had almost said the most important. Its operations are easy and silent, not always perceptible, but diffusing health and life throughout the system by the intercourse thus promoted, from neighborhood to neighborhood, and from State to State.  This circuit of trade, in a country of such great extent as ours, demands, more than in any country under heaven, a uniform currency for the whole people; that what is money in Carolina shall be so elsewhere; that what the Kentucky drover receives, what the planter of Alabama sells for, what the laborer in New York gets in pay for his work, and carries home to support his family, shall be of ascertained and uniform value."<ref>''Select Speeches of Daniel Webster 1817-1845'' (1903)</ref>

==Lawyer==

==Lawyer==

Webster was undoubtedly the best constitutional scholar of his generation and probably had more influence on the powerful [[John Marshall|Marshall Court]] than any other advocate.  Of the 223 cases he argued before the Supreme Court, he won about half of them. But, even more, Webster played a crucial role in eight of the most celebrated constitutional cases decided by the Court between 1801 and 1824. In many of these—particularly in Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1819) and Gibbons v. Ogden (1824)--the Supreme Court handed down decisions based largely on Webster's arguments. Marshall patterned some of his Court decisions after Webster's briefs, and Webster played a crucial role in helping many of the justices interpret matters of constitutional law. As a result many people began calling him the Great Expounder of the Constitution.<ref>Remini (1999) pp 162, 208</ref>

Webster was undoubtedly the best constitutional scholar of his generation and probably had more influence on the powerful [[John Marshall|Marshall Court]] than any other advocate.  Of the 223 cases he argued before the Supreme Court, he won about half of them. But, even more, Webster played a crucial role in eight of the most celebrated constitutional cases decided by the Court between 1801 and 1824. In many of these—particularly in Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1819) and Gibbons v. Ogden (1824)--the Supreme Court handed down decisions based largely on Webster's arguments. Marshall patterned some of his Court decisions after Webster's briefs, and Webster played a crucial role in helping many of the justices interpret matters of constitutional law. As a result, many people began calling him the Great Expounder of the Constitution.<ref>Remini (1999) pp 162, 208</ref>

=="Godlike Dan" and "Black Dan" ==

=="Godlike Dan" and "Black Dan" ==

==See also==

==See also==

* [[Second Party System]]

* [[Second Party System]]

* [[Whig Party]]

* Whig Party

* [[Henry Clay]]

* [[Henry Clay]]