| − | Bears built on the work of historian Carl Becker, whose ''History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 1760-1776'' (1909) formulated the Progressive interpretation of the American Revolution. Becker famously said there were two revolutions: one against Britain to obtain home rule, and the other to determine who should rule at home. Beard in ''An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States'' (1913) and ''An Economic Interpretation of Jeffersonian Democracy'' (1915) extended Becker's thesis down to 1800 in terms of class conflict. To Beard, the Constitution was a counter-revolution, set up by rich bond holders (bonds were "personal property"), in opposition to the farmers and planters (land was "real property.") The Constitution, beard argued, was designed to reverse the radical democratic tendencies unleashed by the Revolution among the common people, especially farmers and debtors (people who owed money to the rich). In 1800, said beard, the farmers and debtors, led by plantation slaveowners, owverthrew the capitalists and established [[Jeffersonian Democracy]]. Other historians supported the class-conflict interpretation noting the states confiscated great semifeudal landholdings of Loyalists and gave them out in small parcels to ordinary farmers. Conservatives, such as [[William Howard Taft]] were shocked at the Progressive interpretation because it seem to belittle the Constitution. Scholars, however, adopted it and by 1930 it became the standard interpetation of the era among academic historians, but was largely ignored by lawyers and jurists. Beginning about 1950 revisionist historians demonstrated that the progressive intewrpretation was factually incorrect, led by Charles A. Barker, Philip Crowl, Richard P. McCormick, William Pool, Robert Thomas, John Munroe, Robert E. and B. Kathryn Brown, and above all [[Forrest McDonald]]. Robert Brown (1954) revealed its contradictions and [[Forrest McDonald]] (1958), using microscopic new research in federal, state and local archives, showed that Beard had misinterpreted the economic interests involved in writing the Constitution. Instead of two interests, landed and mercantile, which conflicted, there were over 30 identifiable interests that forced the delegates to bargain. Controversy raged, but by 1970 the Progressive interpretation of the era was dead. It was largely replaced by the intellectual history approach that stressed the power of ideas, especially [[republicanism]] in stimulating the Revolution.<ref> See Forrest McDonald "Colliding with the Past," ''Reviews in American History'' 25.1 (1997) 13-18 </ref> | + | Bears built on the work of historian Carl Becker, whose ''History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 1760-1776'' (1909) formulated the Progressive interpretation of the American Revolution. Becker famously said there were two revolutions: one against Britain to obtain home rule, and the other to determine who should rule at home. Beard in ''An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States'' (1913) and ''An Economic Interpretation of Jeffersonian Democracy'' (1915) extended Becker's thesis down to 1800 in terms of class conflict. To Beard, the Constitution was a counter-revolution, set up by rich bond holders (bonds were "personal property"), in opposition to the farmers and planters (land was "real property.") The Constitution, beard argued, was designed to reverse the radical democratic tendencies unleashed by the Revolution among the common people, especially farmers and debtors (people who owed money to the rich). In 1800, said beard, the farmers and debtors, led by plantation slaveowners, owverthrew the capitalists and established [[Jeffersonian Democracy]]. Other historians supported the class-conflict interpretation noting the states confiscated great semifeudal landholdings of Loyalists and gave them out in small parcels to ordinary farmers. Conservatives, such as [[William Howard Taft]] were shocked at the Progressive interpretation because it seem to belittle the Constitution. Scholars, however, adopted it and by 1930 it became the standard interpetation of the era among academic historians, but was largely ignored by lawyers and jurists. Beginning about 1950 revisionist historians demonstrated that the progressive intewrpretation was factually incorrect, led by Charles A. Barker, Philip Crowl, Richard P. McCormick, William Pool, Robert Thomas, John Munroe, Robert E. and B. Kathryn Brown, and above all [[Forrest McDonald]]. Robert Brown (1954) revealed its contradictions and [[Forrest McDonald]] (1958), using microscopic new research in federal, state and local archives, showed that Beard had misinterpreted the economic interests involved in writing the Constitution. Instead of two interests, landed and mercantile, which conflicted, there were over 30 identifiable interests that forced the delegates to bargain. Controversy raged, but by 1970 the Progressive interpretation of the era was dead. It was largely replaced by the intellectual history approach that stressed the power of ideas, especially [[republicanism]] in stimulating the Revolution.<ref>See Forrest McDonald "Colliding with the Past," ''Reviews in American History'' 25.1 (1997) 13-18</ref> |
| | Dealing with Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, disciples of Beard such as Howard Beale and [[C. Vann Woodward]] focused on greed and economic causation and emphasized the centrality of corruption. They argued that the rhetoric of equal rights was a smokescreen hiding their true motivation, which was promoting the interests of industrialists in the Northeast. The basic flaw was the assumption that there was a unified business policy. Scholars in the 1950s and 1960s demonstrated that businessmen were widely divergent on monetary or tariff policy. While Pennsylvania businessmen wanted high tariffs, those in other states did not; the railroads were hurt by the tariffs on steel, which they purchased in large quantity. (Hofstadter 1979) [[Forrest McDonald]] | | Dealing with Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, disciples of Beard such as Howard Beale and [[C. Vann Woodward]] focused on greed and economic causation and emphasized the centrality of corruption. They argued that the rhetoric of equal rights was a smokescreen hiding their true motivation, which was promoting the interests of industrialists in the Northeast. The basic flaw was the assumption that there was a unified business policy. Scholars in the 1950s and 1960s demonstrated that businessmen were widely divergent on monetary or tariff policy. While Pennsylvania businessmen wanted high tariffs, those in other states did not; the railroads were hurt by the tariffs on steel, which they purchased in large quantity. (Hofstadter 1979) [[Forrest McDonald]] |
| − | * Blaser, Kent. "The Rise of American Civilization and the Contemporary Crisis in American Historiography," ''The History Teacher,'' Vol. 26, No. 1 (Nov., 1992), pp. 71-90 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/494087 in JSTOR] | + | * Blaser, Kent. "The Rise of American Civilization and the Contemporary Crisis in American Historiography," ''The History Teacher,'' Vol. 26, No. 1 (Nov., 1992), pp. 71–90 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/494087 in JSTOR] |