Changes

==History==

==History==

===Colonizers and settlers===

===Colonizers and settlers===

===The Anuradhapura Kingdom ===  

===The Anuradhapura Kingdom ===

===The Polonnaruva Kingdom===  

===The Polonnaruva Kingdom===

===Fragmentation 1250 to 1600===

===Fragmentation 1250 to 1600===

Starting about 1250-1300 Sinhalese civilization declined. Beginning in the 11th century invasions from southern India became more frequent. The powerful Chola dynasty in India annexed the island in 993 and ruled it as part of its empire until 1070. Even after the restoration of Sinhalese political power, invasions continued and drained the resources of the state. Southern Indian invaders settled in Ceylon and married into Sinhalese royalty. They formed powerful factions in the court and eventually seized control of the throne. Sinhalese claimants to the throne and their followers drifted away from the capital southward and southwestward, where they set up rival centers of political power, eventually at Kandy in the remote center of the island. In the north a Tamil kingdom was established in the 14th century by a dynasty that came from southern India; its capital was Jaffna.

Starting about 1250-1300 Sinhalese civilization declined. Beginning in the 11th century invasions from southern India became more frequent. The powerful Chola dynasty in India annexed the island in 993 and ruled it as part of its empire until 1070. Even after the restoration of Sinhalese political power, invasions continued and drained the resources of the state. Southern Indian invaders settled in Ceylon and married into Sinhalese royalty. They formed powerful factions in the court and eventually seized control of the throne. Sinhalese claimants to the throne and their followers drifted away from the capital southward and southwestward, where they set up rival centers of political power, eventually at Kandy in the remote center of the island. In the north a Tamil kingdom was established in the 14th century by a dynasty that came from southern India; its capital was Jaffna.

====Religious tolerance====

====Religious tolerance====

Protestantism was introduced by the Dutch, and many of the Catholic churches established by the Portuguese were turned over to the Protestants. These churches provided elementary education in Sinhalese and Tamil.  By 1800 there were 350,000 nominal Christians in Ceylon, but many were professing Buddhists as well. The VOC maintained the position of the Protestant Reformed church within the Dutch community, but also ensured that the church did not interfere in politics or cause unrest among the believers of other religions. The VOC adopted a tolerant attitude toward all but Catholics, and when zealous pastors took actions deemed offensive to Hindus or Buddhists these were disowned by Company administrators. Their tolerance is an indication of how few Dutch, at home or overseas, were staunch Calvinists in this period.<ref> Jurrien Van Goor, "Dutch 'Calvinists' on the Coromandel Coast and in Sri Lanka." ''South Asia'' 1996 19(special Issue): 133-142. Issn: 0085-6401 </ref>

Protestantism was introduced by the Dutch, and many of the Catholic churches established by the Portuguese were turned over to the Protestants. These churches provided elementary education in Sinhalese and Tamil.  By 1800 there were 350,000 nominal Christians in Ceylon, but many were professing Buddhists as well. The VOC maintained the position of the Protestant Reformed church within the Dutch community, but also ensured that the church did not interfere in politics or cause unrest among the believers of other religions. The VOC adopted a tolerant attitude toward all but Catholics, and when zealous pastors took actions deemed offensive to Hindus or Buddhists these were disowned by Company administrators. Their tolerance is an indication of how few Dutch, at home or overseas, were staunch Calvinists in this period.<ref>Jurrien Van Goor, "Dutch 'Calvinists' on the Coromandel Coast and in Sri Lanka." ''South Asia'' 1996 19(special Issue): 133-142. Issn: 0085-6401</ref>

    

    

===British rule after 1802===

===British rule after 1802===

Most of the debt on the railways (all government lines) is paid off, and the traffic receipts now make up nearly one-third of the general revenue of the government.  

Most of the debt on the railways (all government lines) is paid off, and the traffic receipts now make up nearly one-third of the general revenue of the government.  

The headquarters of the mail steamers were at Colombo, where the colonial government constructed a large breakwater, and under-taken other harbour works which have greatly augmented both the external trade and the coasting trade of the island.<ref> [http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/CAU_CHA/CEYLON.html ''Encyclopedia Britannica'' (1911), 11th edition.] </ref>

The headquarters of the mail steamers were at Colombo, where the colonial government constructed a large breakwater, and under-taken other harbour works which have greatly augmented both the external trade and the coasting trade of the island.<ref>[http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/CAU_CHA/CEYLON.html ''Encyclopedia Britannica'' (1911), 11th edition.]</ref>

   

   

====Plantations====

====Plantations====

Under British rule extensive plantations were developed and the island became a large-scale producer of tea, rubber, and coconut products.  By the end of the 19th century tea and rubber had become the island's principal exports, and coconut and copra were also important. The plantation industry triggered economic development in subsidiary industries, transportation, banking, and port facilities.  Agricultural production, based on the rice culture of small peasants in village communities, changed more and more to export crops and products like cinnamon, coconut, and tobacco.  

Under British rule extensive plantations were developed and the island became a large-scale producer of tea, rubber, and coconut products.  By the end of the 19th century tea and rubber had become the island's principal exports, and coconut and copra were also important. The plantation industry triggered economic development in subsidiary industries, transportation, banking, and port facilities.  Agricultural production, based on the rice culture of small peasants in village communities, changed more and more to export crops and products like cinnamon, coconut, and tobacco.  

In 1824 the governor introduced coffee cultivation on the West Indian plan, and by 1841 the Ceylon output had become considerable, and grew steadily untill 1877 when 272,000 acres were under coffee cultivation, the total export amounting to 103,000,000 lb. Then owing to disease came a crisis, and a rapid decline, and by 1900 only a few thousand acres were left.  Responding to the failure of the coffee crops planters began extensively to grow the tea plant. By 1882 over 20,000 acres had been planted with tea, but the export that year was under 700,000 lb.  In 1897, 350,000 acres were planted, and the export was 116,000,000 lb. By 1900, the total area cultivated with tea was over 390,000 acres, while the estimate of shipments was put at 146,000,000 lb annually. Nearly every plantation has its factory, with the machinery necessary to prepare the leaf as brought in from the bushes until it becomes the tea of commerce, The total amount of capital now invested in the tea industry in Ceylon cannot be less than ₤10,000,000 . The tea-planting industry more than anything else has raised Ceylon from the depressed state to which it fell in 1882.<ref> [http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/CAU_CHA/CEYLON.html ''Encyclopedia Britannica'' (1911), 11th edition.] </ref>

In 1824 the governor introduced coffee cultivation on the West Indian plan, and by 1841 the Ceylon output had become considerable, and grew steadily untill 1877 when 272,000 acres were under coffee cultivation, the total export amounting to 103,000,000 lb. Then owing to disease came a crisis, and a rapid decline, and by 1900 only a few thousand acres were left.  Responding to the failure of the coffee crops planters began extensively to grow the tea plant. By 1882 over 20,000 acres had been planted with tea, but the export that year was under 700,000 lb.  In 1897, 350,000 acres were planted, and the export was 116,000,000 lb. By 1900, the total area cultivated with tea was over 390,000 acres, while the estimate of shipments was put at 146,000,000 lb annually. Nearly every plantation has its factory, with the machinery necessary to prepare the leaf as brought in from the bushes until it becomes the tea of commerce, The total amount of capital now invested in the tea industry in Ceylon cannot be less than ₤10,000,000 . The tea-planting industry more than anything else has raised Ceylon from the depressed state to which it fell in 1882.<ref>[http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/CAU_CHA/CEYLON.html ''Encyclopedia Britannica'' (1911), 11th edition.]</ref>

The history of Ceylon in the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the expansion --followed by depression --of a plantation economy whose investors included not only British colonists but also the Ceylonese bourgeoisie and a certain number of small rural entrepreneurs. The introduction of plantations transformed the rural environment. A new agricultural regime emerged, with sharp effects on the peasant milieu, and the social relations it established between Sinhalese farmers, Tamil coolies, and British planters. The worldwide [[Great Depression]] of the 1930s finally upset the system.   

The history of Ceylon in the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the expansion—followed by depression—of a plantation economy whose investors included not only British colonists but also the Ceylonese bourgeoisie and a certain number of small rural entrepreneurs. The introduction of plantations transformed the rural environment. A new agricultural regime emerged, with sharp effects on the peasant milieu, and the social relations it established between Sinhalese farmers, Tamil coolies, and British planters. The worldwide [[Great Depression]] of the 1930s finally upset the system.   

====Tamils====

====Tamils====

During the British Raj over half a million laborers from South India migrated to Ceylon. From the 1820s through the 1880s these Tamils worked as seasonal harvesters on the coffee plantations. After 1880 tea was subsequently introduced which required year-round tending and could absorb family labor. The Indian plantation workers lived in isolated villages on hilltops, spoke a different language (Tamil), and practiced Hinduism, a religion different from that of the native Sinhalese.  

During the British Raj over half a million laborers from South India migrated to Ceylon. From the 1820s through the 1880s these Tamils worked as seasonal harvesters on the coffee plantations. After 1880 tea was subsequently introduced which required year-round tending and could absorb family labor. The Indian plantation workers lived in isolated villages on hilltops, spoke a different language (Tamil), and practiced Hinduism, a religion different from that of the native Sinhalese.  

====Muslims====

====Muslims====

Muslims settled in Sri Lanka as traders suffered discrimination during the periods of Portuguese and Dutch control. The British arrived in Colombo in 1796 to assist the Kandyan king in removing the Dutch. They used Muslims as interpreters and trade experts. The British protected Muslims' religious freedom, abolished their forced labor, allowed them to own property, and in 1889 allowed Muslims representation on the Legislative Council. In the first half of the 20th century, Sri Lankan Muslims were split between Arabs (also known as the "Moors") and Malays, with both groups pressuring for, but being denied, separate Legislative Council representation.<ref> M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "The Political and Commercial History of the Muslims of Sri Lanka under the British Rule." ''Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society'' 2003 51(3): 39-54. Issn: 0030-9796 </ref>

Muslims settled in Sri Lanka as traders suffered discrimination during the periods of Portuguese and Dutch control. The British arrived in Colombo in 1796 to assist the Kandyan king in removing the Dutch. They used Muslims as interpreters and trade experts. The British protected Muslims' religious freedom, abolished their forced labor, allowed them to own property, and in 1889 allowed Muslims representation on the Legislative Council. In the first half of the 20th century, Sri Lankan Muslims were split between Arabs (also known as the "Moors") and Malays, with both groups pressuring for, but being denied, separate Legislative Council representation.<ref>M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "The Political and Commercial History of the Muslims of Sri Lanka under the British Rule." ''Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society'' 2003 51(3): 39-54. Issn: 0030-9796</ref>

Traditional Muslim education in Ceylon was of two types: 1) Qur'an schools mainly teaching the Qur'an, some arithmetic, and Tamil in Arabic script, and 2) training in crafts, carried out on a family basis. The commercialization of agriculture and growth of the infrastructure of a plantation economy broke up the "kasbah-mentality" (closed-group existence in the interior area) among the Ceylonese Muslims. They moved into towns and began to join government schools (English and vernacular). The increasing use of English at different levels of administration accelerated the process. Relatively few Muslims participated until 1880.<ref> M. M. M. Mahroof, "Muslim Education in Ceylon 1780-1880: A Struggle Between Derived and Imposed Ideas," ''Islamic Culture'' [India] 1972 46(2): 119-135. Issn: 0021-1834 </ref>

Traditional Muslim education in Ceylon was of two types: 1) Qur'an schools mainly teaching the Qur'an, some arithmetic, and Tamil in Arabic script, and 2) training in crafts, carried out on a family basis. The commercialization of agriculture and growth of the infrastructure of a plantation economy broke up the "kasbah-mentality" (closed-group existence in the interior area) among the Ceylonese Muslims. They moved into towns and began to join government schools (English and vernacular). The increasing use of English at different levels of administration accelerated the process. Relatively few Muslims participated until 1880.<ref>M. M. M. Mahroof, "Muslim Education in Ceylon 1780-1880: A Struggle Between Derived and Imposed Ideas," ''Islamic Culture'' [India] 1972 46(2): 119-135. Issn: 0021-1834</ref>

====Caste====

====Caste====

Rogers (2004) examines the history of caste in colonial Sri Lanka, especially from the time the British took over Dutch-held Ceylon in 1796 and the Buddhist Kandyan kingdom on the island in 1815. The British continued Dutch policy in appointing headmen and requiring compulsory labor, both determined by occupational caste. The British, after initially trying to work through traditional institutions and practices, ended up introducing a set of administrative reforms in 1832 and 1833 that were to have a profound effect on Ceylonese society. The Colebrooke-Cameron Reforms pushed the government to abolish compulsory labor in 1832 so as to create a free labor market that would foster capitalism. The government thus chose to ignore caste in its administration and repealed caste-defined policies. Unlike India, which was based on landholding, Ceylon's revenues were based on trade, making it easier to avoid caste issues. Rather than emphasize religion and caste as the principal social markers, as was the practice in India, British officials in Sri Lanka emphasized race and nation in their efforts at social differentiation. Ceylon's large Buddhist population also was not bound to caste as Hindus were. Still, caste governed social life, especially in gaining seats on the Legislative Council, upward mobility, and education.<REF> John D. Rogers, "Caste as a Social Category and Identity in Colonial Lanka." ''Indian Economic and Social History Review'' 2004 41(1): 51-77. Issn: 0019-4646 </REF>

Rogers (2004) examines the history of caste in colonial Sri Lanka, especially from the time the British took over Dutch-held Ceylon in 1796 and the Buddhist Kandyan kingdom on the island in 1815. The British continued Dutch policy in appointing headmen and requiring compulsory labor, both determined by occupational caste. The British, after initially trying to work through traditional institutions and practices, ended up introducing a set of administrative reforms in 1832 and 1833 that were to have a profound effect on Ceylonese society. The Colebrooke-Cameron Reforms pushed the government to abolish compulsory labor in 1832 so as to create a free labor market that would foster capitalism. The government thus chose to ignore caste in its administration and repealed caste-defined policies. Unlike India, which was based on landholding, Ceylon's revenues were based on trade, making it easier to avoid caste issues. Rather than emphasize religion and caste as the principal social markers, as was the practice in India, British officials in Sri Lanka emphasized race and nation in their efforts at social differentiation. Ceylon's large Buddhist population also was not bound to caste as Hindus were. Still, caste governed social life, especially in gaining seats on the Legislative Council, upward mobility, and education.<ref>John D. Rogers, "Caste as a Social Category and Identity in Colonial Lanka." ''Indian Economic and Social History Review'' 2004 41(1): 51-77. Issn: 0019-4646</ref>

===Modernization, Religion and nationalism, 1860-1929===

===Modernization, Religion and nationalism, 1860-1929===

Government-supported education in Ceylon began in 1832 and by 1900, 25% of school-age children were in school. In the early 20th century, the colonial government began to expand educational opportunities and by the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, over half of the school-age population was in school. Near universal status was achieved by the 1960s. This achievement has been due to the realization of the importance of education on the part of parents who see it as the means for improving socioeconomic standing.<ref> Lakshman Dissanayake, "The Timing and Determinants of the Onset of Mass Education in Sri Lanka." ''Asian Profile'' 1995 23(3): 223-234. Issn: 0304-8675</ref>

Government-supported education in Ceylon began in 1832 and by 1900, 25% of school-age children were in school. In the early 20th century, the colonial government began to expand educational opportunities and by the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, over half of the school-age population was in school. Near universal status was achieved by the 1960s. This achievement has been due to the realization of the importance of education on the part of parents who see it as the means for improving socioeconomic standing.<ref>Lakshman Dissanayake, "The Timing and Determinants of the Onset of Mass Education in Sri Lanka." ''Asian Profile'' 1995 23(3): 223-234. Issn: 0304-8675</ref>

====Indigenization of Columbo====

====Indigenization of Columbo====

Perera (2002) Considers the indigenization of Colombo and the transformation of the city from an exclusive domain of British colonial power to a milieu that supported Ceylonese social and cultural practices. The city went from British to Ceylonese between the 1860s and the 1880s. Perera approaches indigenization from a reverse [[Orientalism|Orientalist]] perspective that focuses on the landscape produced by the emergence of national elite, the revival of Buddhism, and processes of naturalization and migration. Indigenization was integral to colonialism, which simultaneously instigated the Westernization of subjects and the indigenization of social and spatial structures. The resulting multilayered landscape, negotiated between imposing colonial structures and Ceylonese cultural practices, was characterized by irony, mimicry, ambivalence, liminality, and hybridity.<ref> Nihal Perera, "Indigenising the Colonial City: Late 19th-century Colombo and its Landscape." ''Urban Studies'' 2002 39(9): 1703-1721. Issn: 0042-0980 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

Perera (2002) Considers the indigenization of Colombo and the transformation of the city from an exclusive domain of British colonial power to a milieu that supported Ceylonese social and cultural practices. The city went from British to Ceylonese between the 1860s and the 1880s. Perera approaches indigenization from a reverse [[Orientalism|Orientalist]] perspective that focuses on the landscape produced by the emergence of national elite, the revival of Buddhism, and processes of naturalization and migration. Indigenization was integral to colonialism, which simultaneously instigated the Westernization of subjects and the indigenization of social and spatial structures. The resulting multilayered landscape, negotiated between imposing colonial structures and Ceylonese cultural practices, was characterized by irony, mimicry, ambivalence, liminality, and hybridity.<ref>Nihal Perera, "Indigenising the Colonial City: Late 19th-century Colombo and its Landscape." ''Urban Studies'' 2002 39(9): 1703-1721. Issn: 0042-0980 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

    

    

====Intellectual modernity====

====Intellectual modernity====

The communications and information explosion of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, occasioned by technological developments, growing literacy, and a print culture, gave educated and Westernized colonial subjects access to a wider and more diverse range of ideas and practices, anticipating what has become known as globalization. Evidence from nationalist literati in colonial Sri Lanka demonstrates that the dialogue was no longer simply between colonizer and colonized: the colonized from various parts of the Indian Ocean came into contact with one another, largely because of the growing role played by a bilingual intelligentsia. In the case of Sri Lanka, Buddhism played an important role, in that the Buddhist revival (hitherto interpreted largely in terms of the rise of nationalism) encouraged colonial subjects to pursue contacts with their coreligionists around the Indian Ocean.<ref>Mark Frost, "'Wider Opportunities': Religious Revival, Nationalist Awakening and the Global Dimension in Colombo, 1870-1920." ''Modern Asian Studies'' 2002 36(4): 937-967. Issn: 0026-749x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-749X%28200210%2936%3A4%3C937%3A%27ORRNA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9  in Jstor]</ref>

The communications and information explosion of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, occasioned by technological developments, growing literacy, and a print culture, gave educated and Westernized colonial subjects access to a wider and more diverse range of ideas and practices, anticipating what has become known as globalization. Evidence from nationalist literati in colonial Sri Lanka demonstrates that the dialogue was no longer simply between colonizer and colonized: the colonized from various parts of the Indian Ocean came into contact with one another, largely because of the growing role played by a bilingual intelligentsia. In the case of Sri Lanka, Buddhism played an important role, in that the Buddhist revival (hitherto interpreted largely in terms of the rise of nationalism) encouraged colonial subjects to pursue contacts with their coreligionists around the Indian Ocean.<ref>Mark Frost, "'Wider Opportunities': Religious Revival, Nationalist Awakening and the Global Dimension in Colombo, 1870-1920." ''Modern Asian Studies'' 2002 36(4): 937-967. Issn: 0026-749x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-749X%28200210%2936%3A4%3C937%3A%27ORRNA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9  in Jstor]</ref>

Mahapandit Rahula Sankrityayana was a scholar, linguist, philosopher, and novelist. Born in 1893 he left home at age 14 and wandered through Central Asia, India, Tibet, and China. In his maturity, he embraced the Buddhist faith while in Ceylon and later joined [[Gandhi]]'s Satyagraha movement. In the 1920s his horizons widened as he traveled extensively in Europe and East Asia. In 1939 he joined the Communist Party as a proponent of social reform. Rahula's writings varied widely, including philosophy, popular biography, fiction, and travel books in numerous languages, and attained considerable imaginative depth.<ref>V. S. Naravane, "Rahula Sankrityayana: His Life and Writings." ''Indian Horizons'' 1982 31(1): 5-28. Issn: 0378-2964 </ref>

Mahapandit Rahula Sankrityayana was a scholar, linguist, philosopher, and novelist. Born in 1893 he left home at age 14 and wandered through Central Asia, India, Tibet, and China. In his maturity, he embraced the Buddhist faith while in Ceylon and later joined [[Gandhi]]'s Satyagraha movement. In the 1920s his horizons widened as he traveled extensively in Europe and East Asia. In 1939 he joined the Communist Party as a proponent of social reform. Rahula's writings varied widely, including philosophy, popular biography, fiction, and travel books in numerous languages, and attained considerable imaginative depth.<ref>V. S. Naravane, "Rahula Sankrityayana: His Life and Writings." ''Indian Horizons'' 1982 31(1): 5-28. Issn: 0378-2964</ref>

====Buddhist revival====

====Buddhist revival====

Gokhale (1999) examines two leaders of the 20th-century revival of Buddhism in India and Sri Lanka: Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1892-1956) and Anagarika Dhammapala (1864-1933). Ambedkar, formally educated in the United States, used Buddhism to inspire faith to challenge the Hindu hierarchical caste system.<ref> Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, "Theravada Buddhism and Modernization: Anagarika Dhammapala and B. R. Ambedkar." ''Journal of Asian and African Studies'' 1999 34(1): 33-45. Issn: 0021-9096 </ref>

Gokhale (1999) examines two leaders of the 20th-century revival of Buddhism in India and Sri Lanka: Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1892-1956) and Anagarika Dhammapala (1864-1933). Ambedkar, formally educated in the United States, used Buddhism to inspire faith to challenge the Hindu hierarchical caste system.<ref>Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, "Theravada Buddhism and Modernization: Anagarika Dhammapala and B. R. Ambedkar." ''Journal of Asian and African Studies'' 1999 34(1): 33-45. Issn: 0021-9096</ref>

Dhammapala's movement in Sri Lanka, which strengthened Sinhalese cultural identity for many, combined traditional and modern aspects of Buddhism. Many efforts to understand the relationship between Buddhism and Sinhalese nationalism have looked to Dharmapala, whose writings were collected in 1965 into a set entitled ''Return to Righteousness.'' Explanations for Buddhist revivalism and its relationship to nationalism in the late 19th century as personified by Dharmapala have employed what has been labeled the Protestant Buddhist thesis, which argues that ideologies of nationalism and scholarship on Buddhism imported from Protestant Europe forced a transformation of Buddhism to bring it in line with nationalist aspirations. While partly accepting this theory, close scrutiny of Dharmapala's diaries indicates that Buddhist asceticism was a more powerful force than has hitherto been noted, and that Dharmapala was not simply reinterpreting Buddhism in light of nationalist ideologies and agendas.<ref>Michael Roberts, "For Humanity. For the Sinhalese: Dharmapala as Crusading Bosat." ''Journal of Asian Studies]] 1997 56(4): 1006-1032. Issn: 0021-9118 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28199711%2956%3A4%3C1006%3AFHFTSD%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O  in Jstor] </ref>

Dhammapala's movement in Sri Lanka, which strengthened Sinhalese cultural identity for many, combined traditional and modern aspects of Buddhism. Many efforts to understand the relationship between Buddhism and Sinhalese nationalism have looked to Dharmapala, whose writings were collected in 1965 into a set entitled ''Return to Righteousness.'' Explanations for Buddhist revivalism and its relationship to nationalism in the late 19th century as personified by Dharmapala have employed what has been labeled the Protestant Buddhist thesis, which argues that ideologies of nationalism and scholarship on Buddhism imported from Protestant Europe forced a transformation of Buddhism to bring it in line with nationalist aspirations. While partly accepting this theory, close scrutiny of Dharmapala's diaries indicates that Buddhist asceticism was a more powerful force than has hitherto been noted, and that Dharmapala was not simply reinterpreting Buddhism in light of nationalist ideologies and agendas.<ref>Michael Roberts, "For Humanity. For the Sinhalese: Dharmapala as Crusading Bosat." ''Journal of Asian Studies]] 1997 56(4): 1006-1032. Issn: 0021-9118 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28199711%2956%3A4%3C1006%3AFHFTSD%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O  in Jstor]</ref>

====Muslim society====

====Muslim society====

Muslim girls in Sri Lanka were traditionally taught in the kuttabs (verandah schools) attached to mosques. These primary schools did not develop higher levels of education until the mid-18th century. Since the Portuguese, Dutch, and British brought missionary schools that stressed Christianity, Muslim women did not attend them and thus lagged behind in education. In 1891 the first modern schools were established for Muslim girls. Between 1931 and 1947 the minister of education wanted Muslim girls to receive the same education as Tamil and Sinhalese girls and pushed to include Islam and Arabic in secondary schools. By the 1960's, Muslim girls received a Western-style education, and into the 1980's Arabic colleges were established for women where degrees at the level of master of theology were offered.<ref> M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "History of Muslim Women's Education in Sri Lanka." ''Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society'' 2001 49(3): 15-19. Issn: 0030-9796 </ref>

Muslim girls in Sri Lanka were traditionally taught in the kuttabs (verandah schools) attached to mosques. These primary schools did not develop higher levels of education until the mid-18th century. Since the Portuguese, Dutch, and British brought missionary schools that stressed Christianity, Muslim women did not attend them and thus lagged behind in education. In 1891 the first modern schools were established for Muslim girls. Between 1931 and 1947 the minister of education wanted Muslim girls to receive the same education as Tamil and Sinhalese girls and pushed to include Islam and Arabic in secondary schools. By the 1960's, Muslim girls received a Western-style education, and into the 1980's Arabic colleges were established for women where degrees at the level of master of theology were offered.<ref>M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "History of Muslim Women's Education in Sri Lanka." ''Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society'' 2001 49(3): 15-19. Issn: 0030-9796</ref>

===Political changees; the Donoughmore Constitution===  

===Political changees; the Donoughmore Constitution===

The Colebrooke Commission of 1833 initiated many far-reaching reforms in Ceylon. Most important was the establishment of a legislative council and an executive council. The spread of English education soon brought into existence a group of Ceylonese who took advantage of the opportunities in bureaucracy and the professions created by administrative and economic expansion. The English-educated Ceylonese began to organize themselves into an increasingly influential pressure group. They were nominated to the legislative council and to local bodies to share in the process of government. Election of members to the legislative council, on a restricted franchise, was introduced in 1920, and in 1924 representative government was introduced with a majority of elected members in the legislature. In 1931 universal adult suffrage and partial self-government were introduced by the Donoughmore Constitution. Executive control over a wide area of internal matters was granted to an elected board of ministers, leaving the governor in overall charge and three British officials with special responsibility over finance, law, and the civil service.

The Colebrooke Commission of 1833 initiated many far-reaching reforms in Ceylon. Most important was the establishment of a legislative council and an executive council. The spread of English education soon brought into existence a group of Ceylonese who took advantage of the opportunities in bureaucracy and the professions created by administrative and economic expansion. The English-educated Ceylonese began to organize themselves into an increasingly influential pressure group. They were nominated to the legislative council and to local bodies to share in the process of government. Election of members to the legislative council, on a restricted franchise, was introduced in 1920, and in 1924 representative government was introduced with a majority of elected members in the legislature. In 1931 universal adult suffrage and partial self-government were introduced by the Donoughmore Constitution. Executive control over a wide area of internal matters was granted to an elected board of ministers, leaving the governor in overall charge and three British officials with special responsibility over finance, law, and the civil service.

There was wide cooperation between nationalist leaders and the colonial government at all stages of constitutional change, and thus there was no great movement for independence.  A Ceylon National Congress had been formed in 1919 by an elite of Sinhalese and Tamil professionals, but it disintegrated within a few years because of dissension between the two ethnic groups.  

There was wide cooperation between nationalist leaders and the colonial government at all stages of constitutional change, and thus there was no great movement for independence.  A Ceylon National Congress had been formed in 1919 by an elite of Sinhalese and Tamil professionals, but it disintegrated within a few years because of dissension between the two ethnic groups.  

===End of Empire: British transfer power: 1931-47===  

===End of Empire: British transfer power: 1931-47===

In contrast to India (which resisted participation in the Second World War), the Ceylonese ministers gave the British full support dutring the war.  Ceylon became a major British naval base, and was the site of the farthest expansion west of the Japanese navy in early 1942. The colonial government looked with favour on progress toward full self-government, demanded by Ceylonese political leaders, at the end of the war. The Labour government in Britain favoured speedy independence. In 1945 a constitutional commission recommended a constitution granting full internal self-government, with power over defense and external affairs reserved to the imperial government. In 1947 these remaining restrictions were removed, and by the Ceylon Independence Act of 1947 Ceylon became an independent dominion and a member of the Commonwealth on Feb. 4, 1948

In contrast to India (which resisted participation in the Second World War), the Ceylonese ministers gave the British full support dutring the war.  Ceylon became a major British naval base, and was the site of the farthest expansion west of the Japanese navy in early 1942. The colonial government looked with favour on progress toward full self-government, demanded by Ceylonese political leaders, at the end of the war. The Labour government in Britain favoured speedy independence. In 1945 a constitutional commission recommended a constitution granting full internal self-government, with power over defense and external affairs reserved to the imperial government. In 1947 these remaining restrictions were removed, and by the Ceylon Independence Act of 1947 Ceylon became an independent dominion and a member of the Commonwealth on Feb. 4, 1948

After independence, Sri Lanka absorbed only a tiny fraction of the Tamils as citizens and the Indian government refused to give them Indian citizenship. By 1964 there were over a million "stateless" persons of Indian origin in Sri Lanka. Prolonged negotiations between Prime Ministers Lal Bahadur Shastri and Mrs. Bandaranaike concluded a treaty by which Sri Lanka agreed to grant citizenship to 300,000 Tamils along with their natural increase and India promised to repatriate 535,000 "stateless" Tamils over a period of 15 years. The implementation of this agreement progressed smoothly, and in 1971 the two countries agreed to evenly divide the remaining 150,000 persons of Indian origin.

After independence, Sri Lanka absorbed only a tiny fraction of the Tamils as citizens and the Indian government refused to give them Indian citizenship. By 1964 there were over a million "stateless" persons of Indian origin in Sri Lanka. Prolonged negotiations between Prime Ministers Lal Bahadur Shastri and Mrs. Bandaranaike concluded a treaty by which Sri Lanka agreed to grant citizenship to 300,000 Tamils along with their natural increase and India promised to repatriate 535,000 "stateless" Tamils over a period of 15 years. The implementation of this agreement progressed smoothly, and in 1971 the two countries agreed to evenly divide the remaining 150,000 persons of Indian origin.

Between the adoption of the new constitution of 1931 and full independence in 1948, Indian immigrants were viewed with increasing hostility by the Sinhalese political leadership. In the 1930s, as a result of the serious unemployment caused by the Great Depression and the growing influence of Sinhala nationalism, anti-Indian feeling prevailed among the masses of Ceylon. A. E. Goonesinha and other politicians exploited the nationalistic feelings of the people. Malayalis, who had migrated to Colombo and other cities from Kerala, were the main target of the agitations. Many Malayalis were employed as daily paid laborers in government and quasi-government institutions, commercial firms, and factories. They also worked as domestic servants, peons, garden coolies, and shopkeepers. The Malayalis were valued as efficient and obedient by their employers, but were criticized by chauvinistic politicians for ousting Ceylonese laborers by undercutting their wages. As ethnic tension grew, their shops were threatened and boycotted; Malayalis were insulted in public and occasionally even assaulted. Under these circumstances, the Ceylonese government adopted several policies of Ceylonization. The dismissal and repatriation of immigrant daily paid laborers in government employment in 1939 was one of the consequences of the anti-Malayali agitations.  Sinhalese feared that if the Indians were given unrestricted political rights they would then swamp the Sinhalese in certain areas of the country, especially the plantation region of the central highlands.  They were excluded from the land reforms that gave peasants lands. The British never found a satisfactory solution to the problem, and as soon as independence was gained in 1948 many Indians were disenfranchised by the Sinhalese-dominated government and left effectively stateless.  By 1964 there were over a million of these stateless people in Sri Lanka. Prolonged negotiations between Prime Ministers Lal Bahadur Shastri of India and Mrs. Bandaranaike concluded a treaty by which Sri Lanka agreed to grant citizenship to 300,000 along with their natural increase and India promised to repatriate 535,000 over a period of 15 years. The implementation of this agreement progressed smoothly, and in 1971 the two countries agreed to evenly divide the remaining 150,000 persons of Indian origin.<ref> Urmila Phadnis, and Lalit Kumar, "The Sirimavo-Shastri Pact of 1964: Problems of Implementation." ''India Quarterly: Journal of International Affairs'' 1975 31(3): 249-269</ref>

Between the adoption of the new constitution of 1931 and full independence in 1948, Indian immigrants were viewed with increasing hostility by the Sinhalese political leadership. In the 1930s, as a result of the serious unemployment caused by the Great Depression and the growing influence of Sinhala nationalism, anti-Indian feeling prevailed among the masses of Ceylon. A. E. Goonesinha and other politicians exploited the nationalistic feelings of the people. Malayalis, who had migrated to Colombo and other cities from Kerala, were the main target of the agitations. Many Malayalis were employed as daily paid laborers in government and quasi-government institutions, commercial firms, and factories. They also worked as domestic servants, peons, garden coolies, and shopkeepers. The Malayalis were valued as efficient and obedient by their employers, but were criticized by chauvinistic politicians for ousting Ceylonese laborers by undercutting their wages. As ethnic tension grew, their shops were threatened and boycotted; Malayalis were insulted in public and occasionally even assaulted. Under these circumstances, the Ceylonese government adopted several policies of Ceylonization. The dismissal and repatriation of immigrant daily paid laborers in government employment in 1939 was one of the consequences of the anti-Malayali agitations.  Sinhalese feared that if the Indians were given unrestricted political rights they would then swamp the Sinhalese in certain areas of the country, especially the plantation region of the central highlands.  They were excluded from the land reforms that gave peasants lands. The British never found a satisfactory solution to the problem, and as soon as independence was gained in 1948 many Indians were disenfranchised by the Sinhalese-dominated government and left effectively stateless.  By 1964 there were over a million of these stateless people in Sri Lanka. Prolonged negotiations between Prime Ministers Lal Bahadur Shastri of India and Mrs. Bandaranaike concluded a treaty by which Sri Lanka agreed to grant citizenship to 300,000 along with their natural increase and India promised to repatriate 535,000 over a period of 15 years. The implementation of this agreement progressed smoothly, and in 1971 the two countries agreed to evenly divide the remaining 150,000 persons of Indian origin.<ref>Urmila Phadnis, and Lalit Kumar, "The Sirimavo-Shastri Pact of 1964: Problems of Implementation." ''India Quarterly: Journal of International Affairs'' 1975 31(3): 249-269</ref>

===After independence: the dominance of the UNP, 1947-56===

===After independence: the dominance of the UNP, 1947-56===

The constitution of independent Ceylon was modeled on that of Britain. The nominal head of state was a governor general, but executive authority was exercised by a prime minister and cabinet, both responsible to a bicameral legislature. The first prime minister was Don Stephen Senanayake, who successfully brought together leaders of various communities and interests to form the United National Party ('''UNP'''). Its general ideology was liberal, secular, and individualist, favoring progress through private enterprise. When Senanayake died in 1952 he was succeeded by his son Dudley Senanayake, who resigned two years later and was replaced by his cousin, Sir John Kotelawela. Political and economic power was in the hands of a small elite of English-educated mercantile entrepreneurs and landowners. Political opposition was provided by two Marxist parties, the Communist Party, which was aligned with Moscow and the Lanka Sama Samaja ('''LSSP'''), founded in 1935, which was controlled by Trotskyists. In 1940, the Trotskyists expelled the Stalinists from the Party on the issue of adherence to the Comintern. During World War II, the British intered the leaders of the LSSP. After the war, the Trotskyists became the main parliamentary opposition. In 1971, student leftists alienated by this cooperation attempted an unsuccessful revolt.<ref> George J. Lerski, "Trotskyism in Sri Lanka." ''Studies in Comparative Communism'' 1977 10(1-2): 109-132. Issn: 0039-3592 </ref>

The constitution of independent Ceylon was modeled on that of Britain. The nominal head of state was a governor general, but executive authority was exercised by a prime minister and cabinet, both responsible to a bicameral legislature. The first prime minister was Don Stephen Senanayake, who successfully brought together leaders of various communities and interests to form the United National Party ('''UNP'''). Its general ideology was liberal, secular, and individualist, favoring progress through private enterprise. When Senanayake died in 1952 he was succeeded by his son Dudley Senanayake, who resigned two years later and was replaced by his cousin, Sir John Kotelawela. Political and economic power was in the hands of a small elite of English-educated mercantile entrepreneurs and landowners. Political opposition was provided by two Marxist parties, the Communist Party, which was aligned with Moscow and the Lanka Sama Samaja ('''LSSP'''), founded in 1935, which was controlled by Trotskyists. In 1940, the Trotskyists expelled the Stalinists from the Party on the issue of adherence to the Comintern. During World War II, the British intered the leaders of the LSSP. After the war, the Trotskyists became the main parliamentary opposition. In 1971, student leftists alienated by this cooperation attempted an unsuccessful revolt.<ref>George J. Lerski, "Trotskyism in Sri Lanka." ''Studies in Comparative Communism'' 1977 10(1-2): 109-132. Issn: 0039-3592</ref>

The first socialist trade union movement in Ceylon began during the First World War and the first Marxist was elected to Parliament in 1931. By the time of independence in 1948 the British had set the foundations for a welfare state in the establishment of public schools, free medical services, and a state-subsidized basic food plan. Although philosophical traces of Lenin, Trotsky, Mao, Kim Il-sung, and Guevara openly competed for ideological leadership in Ceylon, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and his widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, dominated the spirit of democratic socialism in Ceylon. The constitution of 1972 promised the full establishment of socialist democracy. There was, however, no physical elimination of the upper classes and the leaders of those classes continued to dominate the socialist movement itself.<ref> James Jupp, "Democratic Socialism in Sri Lanka." ''Pacific Affairs''1977-1978 50(4): 625-643. Issn: 0030-851x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org.proxy.cc.uic.edu/sici?sici=0030-851X%28197724%2F197824%2950%3A4%3C625%3ADSISL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-H in Jstor] </ref>  

The first socialist trade union movement in Ceylon began during the First World War and the first Marxist was elected to Parliament in 1931. By the time of independence in 1948 the British had set the foundations for a welfare state in the establishment of public schools, free medical services, and a state-subsidized basic food plan. Although philosophical traces of Lenin, Trotsky, Mao, Kim Il-sung, and Guevara openly competed for ideological leadership in Ceylon, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and his widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, dominated the spirit of democratic socialism in Ceylon. The constitution of 1972 promised the full establishment of socialist democracy. There was, however, no physical elimination of the upper classes and the leaders of those classes continued to dominate the socialist movement itself.<ref>James Jupp, "Democratic Socialism in Sri Lanka." ''Pacific Affairs''1977-1978 50(4): 625-643. Issn: 0030-851x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org.proxy.cc.uic.edu/sici?sici=0030-851X%28197724%2F197824%2950%3A4%3C625%3ADSISL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-H in Jstor]</ref>  

===Ethnic nationalism 1956-80===

===Ethnic nationalism 1956-80===

Claiming a mandate for radical change, the ULF government greatly expanded state control of trade and industry. But its attempts to create a socialist state were stymied by a severe economic crisis caused by balance of payments deficits, rising foreign debts, and the need to maintain an expensive social welfare and food subsidy program, and high unemployment  

Claiming a mandate for radical change, the ULF government greatly expanded state control of trade and industry. But its attempts to create a socialist state were stymied by a severe economic crisis caused by balance of payments deficits, rising foreign debts, and the need to maintain an expensive social welfare and food subsidy program, and high unemployment  

===Student rebellion 1971===

===Student rebellion 1971===

A rebellion broke out among far-left Maoist students in March-April 1971 and the government declared a state of emergency, suspending many civil liberties. Some 20,000 young Sinhalese, often called Che Guevarists, grouped in the Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna ('''JVP'''), attempted an urban guerrilla insurrection throughout the island.  The uprising received little popular support. The Maoist-inspired rebels got no support from China. The rebels had hoped to have a thoroughgoing land reform to expel all Indians and to end imperialist economic dependency such as the alleged tutelage of the World Bank. Aggressive military action and promises of widespread amnesty to the rebels combined with the assistance of the outside powers quashed the insurrection; the government received military aid, especially aircraft, from both Britain and the Soviet Union. The ensuing repression cost thousands of rebel lives; the state of emergency was maintained in effect until 1977.<ref> Politicus, "The April Revolt in Ceylon," ''Asian Survey'', Vol. 12, No. 3. (Mar., 1972), pp. 259-274. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28197203%2912%3A3%3C259%3ATARIC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-G in JSTOR]; A. Jeyaratnam Wilson, "Ceylon: a Time of Troubles."  ''Asian Survey'' 1972 12(2): 109-115. Issn: 0004-4687 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28197202%2912%3A2%3C109%3ACATOT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-G  in Jstor]</ref>  

A rebellion broke out among far-left Maoist students in March–April 1971 and the government declared a state of emergency, suspending many civil liberties. Some 20,000 young Sinhalese, often called Che Guevarists, grouped in the Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna ('''JVP'''), attempted an urban guerrilla insurrection throughout the island.  The uprising received little popular support. The Maoist-inspired rebels got no support from China. The rebels had hoped to have a thoroughgoing land reform to expel all Indians and to end imperialist economic dependency such as the alleged tutelage of the World Bank. Aggressive military action and promises of widespread amnesty to the rebels combined with the assistance of the outside powers quashed the insurrection; the government received military aid, especially aircraft, from both Britain and the Soviet Union. The ensuing repression cost thousands of rebel lives; the state of emergency was maintained in effect until 1977.<ref>Politicus, "The April Revolt in Ceylon," ''Asian Survey'', Vol. 12, No. 3. (Mar., 1972), pp. 259-274. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28197203%2912%3A3%3C259%3ATARIC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-G in JSTOR]; A. Jeyaratnam Wilson, "Ceylon: a Time of Troubles."  ''Asian Survey'' 1972 12(2): 109-115. Issn: 0004-4687 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687%28197202%2912%3A2%3C109%3ACATOT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-G  in Jstor]</ref>  

After the 1971 uprising was defeated, the government moved further left, initiating radical land reforms in 1972 that limited holdings to 50 acres, and nationalizing foreign-owned tea plantations in 1975. The new constitution, adopted on May 22, 1972, made Ceylon the '''Republic of Sri Lanka''' (Lanka is the Sanskrit name of Ceylon), with Bandaranaike as prime minister. The press was muzzled, with a government-selected council empowered in 1973 to fine or jail journalists and publishers for disobeying government press guidelines. Public assemblies by the opposition United National Party (UNP) were outlawed, and the government closed the independent Davasa newspaper group. Meanwhile, the governing United Front held a series of mammoth public rallies in an effort to bolster public confidence in government economic policies; the escalating costs of food (especially rice) imports led to severe shortages as the rice ration was reduced.  

After the 1971 uprising was defeated, the government moved further left, initiating radical land reforms in 1972 that limited holdings to 50 acres, and nationalizing foreign-owned tea plantations in 1975. The new constitution, adopted on May 22, 1972, made Ceylon the '''Republic of Sri Lanka''' (Lanka is the Sanskrit name of Ceylon), with Bandaranaike as prime minister. The press was muzzled, with a government-selected council empowered in 1973 to fine or jail journalists and publishers for disobeying government press guidelines. Public assemblies by the opposition United National Party (UNP) were outlawed, and the government closed the independent Davasa newspaper group. Meanwhile, the governing United Front held a series of mammoth public rallies in an effort to bolster public confidence in government economic policies; the escalating costs of food (especially rice) imports led to severe shortages as the rice ration was reduced.  

The ULF soon began to rip apart. In 1975 the LSSP demanded control of the nationalized tea plantations; the larger SLFP wanted them and expelled the LSSP from the government. In 1976 the Communists withdrew from the coalition and aligned with the LSSP, forcing a general election in 1977. The backdrop was economic crisis and massive strikes. The railway workers' strike spread to many sectors of the civil service, shutting down most economic activity in the country. The government responded with its emergency powers and ordered all public employees to return to work under threat of heavy penalties for disobeying. It banned public meetings were banned in Colombo, and imposed tight censorship on the press.  Nevertheless the July 1977 elections wiped out the left in parliament.<ref> The SLFP went from 85 seats to 8; no members at all were elected by the LSSP or the Communist Party. The leaders of the 'old left' were thus all voted out, after some 40 years in parliament. </ref>   

The ULF soon began to rip apart. In 1975 the LSSP demanded control of the nationalized tea plantations; the larger SLFP wanted them and expelled the LSSP from the government. In 1976 the Communists withdrew from the coalition and aligned with the LSSP, forcing a general election in 1977. The backdrop was economic crisis and massive strikes. The railway workers' strike spread to many sectors of the civil service, shutting down most economic activity in the country. The government responded with its emergency powers and ordered all public employees to return to work under threat of heavy penalties for disobeying. It banned public meetings were banned in Colombo, and imposed tight censorship on the press.  Nevertheless the July 1977 elections wiped out the left in parliament.<ref>The SLFP went from 85 seats to 8; no members at all were elected by the LSSP or the Communist Party. The leaders of the 'old left' were thus all voted out, after some 40 years in parliament.</ref>   

The 1977 elections resulted in an overwhelming victory for the UNP under Junius R. Jayewardene, with 139 seats out of 168.  The UNP, traditionally identified as the conservative party of big business and landowning interests, has been converted by Jayewardene to a program of democratic socialism. In October 1977 the constitution was amended to make the president a powerful executive head of state, and in February 1978 prime minister Jayewardene, leader of the UNP, assumed the new office for a six-year term. On Sept. 7, 1978, a new constitution was adopted, incorporating the 1977 amendment and renaming the country the '''Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka'''.  While Sinhala, the language of the majority, remained the official language under the new constitution, Tamil was granted the status of a national language.

The 1977 elections resulted in an overwhelming victory for the UNP under Junius R. Jayewardene, with 139 seats out of 168.  The UNP, traditionally identified as the conservative party of big business and landowning interests, has been converted by Jayewardene to a program of democratic socialism. In October 1977 the constitution was amended to make the president a powerful executive head of state, and in February 1978 prime minister Jayewardene, leader of the UNP, assumed the new office for a six-year term. On Sept. 7, 1978, a new constitution was adopted, incorporating the 1977 amendment and renaming the country the '''Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka'''.  While Sinhala, the language of the majority, remained the official language under the new constitution, Tamil was granted the status of a national language.

The UNP government moved quickly to stimulate the stagnating economy by means of a sharp devaluation of the national currency, elimination of many economic restrictions, large foreign loans, and big increases in public spending for development projects. Helped by high tea prices in 1977 and 1978, Sri Lanka entered a period of rapid economic growth and falling unemployment--accompanied, however, by increased social inequalities and inflation. In 1982 president Jayewardene was reelected to a second six-year term with 53% of the vote; a popular referendum extended the term of the 1977 parliament until 1989.

The UNP government moved quickly to stimulate the stagnating economy by means of a sharp devaluation of the national currency, elimination of many economic restrictions, large foreign loans, and big increases in public spending for development projects. Helped by high tea prices in 1977 and 1978, Sri Lanka entered a period of rapid economic growth and falling unemployment—accompanied, however, by increased social inequalities and inflation. In 1982 president Jayewardene was reelected to a second six-year term with 53% of the vote; a popular referendum extended the term of the 1977 parliament until 1989.

===Civil war, 1983-present===

===Civil war, 1983-present===

====Tamil politics====

====Tamil politics====

Tamil nationalism grew out of a parliamentary system that was corrupted by majority opportunism and crass populism. Sinhala and Tamil elites competed increasingly with each other for power and resources. Even intra-Sinhala party conflicts resulted in the scapegoating of Tamils. In the 1950s the Federal Party, led by elite Vellala Tamils, advocated federalism as a solution to meet Tamil needs. By the 1970s a number of Tamil parties had emerged and united behind the idea of a separate Tamil state. In the wake of anti-Tamil riots, rural, non-Vellala Tamil paramilitaries grew in the 1970's and seized control of the Tamil separatist nationalist struggle. Eventually the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) gained supremacy among paramilitaries and in the 1980s and 1990s refused to work toward a negotiated settlement.<ref>Purnaka L. Desilva, "The Growth of Tamil Paramilitary Nationalisms: Sinhala Chauvinism and Tamil Responses." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 97-117. Issn: 0085-6401 </ref>

Tamil nationalism grew out of a parliamentary system that was corrupted by majority opportunism and crass populism. Sinhala and Tamil elites competed increasingly with each other for power and resources. Even intra-Sinhala party conflicts resulted in the scapegoating of Tamils. In the 1950s the Federal Party, led by elite Vellala Tamils, advocated federalism as a solution to meet Tamil needs. By the 1970s a number of Tamil parties had emerged and united behind the idea of a separate Tamil state. In the wake of anti-Tamil riots, rural, non-Vellala Tamil paramilitaries grew in the 1970's and seized control of the Tamil separatist nationalist struggle. Eventually the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) gained supremacy among paramilitaries and in the 1980s and 1990s refused to work toward a negotiated settlement.<ref>Purnaka L. Desilva, "The Growth of Tamil Paramilitary Nationalisms: Sinhala Chauvinism and Tamil Responses." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 97-117. Issn: 0085-6401</ref>

====Religious dimension====

====Religious dimension====

The LTTE's successes as a [[National liberation movement|liberation movement]] have been built on organizational skills and techno-military prowess. However they also mobilize both the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority within the Sri Lankan Tamil population via modalities that are deeply rooted in the lifestyles and religious practices of Tamils in India and Sri Lanka. Roberts (2005) argues that to grasp these capacities, a reading of the history of Tamil civilization "writ large" as well as the anthropological literature on religious cross-fertilization in Sri Lanka is essential. Propitiatory rituals in Tamil culture inform the LTTE's burial of the dead and the building up of a sacred topography centered on their fallen (the mavirar). Just as heroic humans were deified in southern India's past, regenerative divine power is conceivably invested in today's Tiger mavirar. These facets of Tamil Tiger practice suggest that "enchantment" can nestle amid secularized rationality in the structures of a modern political movement.<ref> Roberts, "Tamil Tiger 'Martyrs'" ''Studies in Conflict & Terrorism'' 2005 </ref>

The LTTE's successes as a [[National liberation movement|liberation movement]] have been built on organizational skills and techno-military prowess. However they also mobilize both the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority within the Sri Lankan Tamil population via modalities that are deeply rooted in the lifestyles and religious practices of Tamils in India and Sri Lanka. Roberts (2005) argues that to grasp these capacities, a reading of the history of Tamil civilization "writ large" as well as the anthropological literature on religious cross-fertilization in Sri Lanka is essential. Propitiatory rituals in Tamil culture inform the LTTE's burial of the dead and the building up of a sacred topography centered on their fallen (the mavirar). Just as heroic humans were deified in southern India's past, regenerative divine power is conceivably invested in today's Tiger mavirar. These facets of Tamil Tiger practice suggest that "enchantment" can nestle amid secularized rationality in the structures of a modern political movement.<ref>Roberts, "Tamil Tiger 'Martyrs'" ''Studies in Conflict & Terrorism'' 2005</ref>

====Muslim role====

====Muslim role====

Sri Lankan Muslim ethnic identity has emerged out of the ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils. The highly urbanized Muslims of the southwest are engaged in trade and commerce, whereas Muslims in the northeast are more rural and involved in agricultural production. The southwest Muslim middle class strengthened its religious identity when the government sought resources from Middle Eastern countries to deal with the Tamil-Sinhalese conflict. At the same time the Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC) was formed in the northeast to cope with the security and self-defense needs there. The southwest Muslims' support of the SLMC disappeared when the SLMC supported revolution. Southwest Muslims shifted their support to Muslim moderates in the Sri Lankan Freedom Party, while others have rejoined the United National Party.<ref> Meghan O'Sullivan, "Conflict as a Catalyst: the Changing Politics of the Sri Lankan Muslims." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 281-308. Issn: 0085-6401 </ref>

Sri Lankan Muslim ethnic identity has emerged out of the ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils. The highly urbanized Muslims of the southwest are engaged in trade and commerce, whereas Muslims in the northeast are more rural and involved in agricultural production. The southwest Muslim middle class strengthened its religious identity when the government sought resources from Middle Eastern countries to deal with the Tamil-Sinhalese conflict. At the same time the Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC) was formed in the northeast to cope with the security and self-defense needs there. The southwest Muslims' support of the SLMC disappeared when the SLMC supported revolution. Southwest Muslims shifted their support to Muslim moderates in the Sri Lankan Freedom Party, while others have rejoined the United National Party.<ref>Meghan O'Sullivan, "Conflict as a Catalyst: the Changing Politics of the Sri Lankan Muslims." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 281-308. Issn: 0085-6401</ref>

==Bibliography==

==Bibliography==