Changes

The British [[East India Company]] seized control of maritime Ceylon in 1796, during the wars of the [[French Revolution]]. Company officials administered the island from Madras, mistreated the Ceylonese, and disregarded the traditional forms of organization. In the face of popular revolt the British government in 1802 removed the Company and made Ceylon a crown colony. In 1815 the British took advantage of elite opposition to Sri Vikrama Rajasinha. the tyrannical king of Kandy, to overthrow its king and absorb the kingdom, whiuch had existed since 1474. For the first time the entire island came under the control  of a Western power.  

The British [[East India Company]] seized control of maritime Ceylon in 1796, during the wars of the [[French Revolution]]. Company officials administered the island from Madras, mistreated the Ceylonese, and disregarded the traditional forms of organization. In the face of popular revolt the British government in 1802 removed the Company and made Ceylon a crown colony. In 1815 the British took advantage of elite opposition to Sri Vikrama Rajasinha. the tyrannical king of Kandy, to overthrow its king and absorb the kingdom, whiuch had existed since 1474. For the first time the entire island came under the control  of a Western power.  

The British established a communications network linking the whole island and to gradually introduce a unitary system of administration. They abolished service tenure, outlawed all monopolies, and removed all restrictions on the movement of goods and people, thus introducing a favorable climate for British investment. Land was liberally transferred to entrepreneurs and commercial agricultural ventures that developed from the 1830's. The central highlands were found suitable for commercial crops, and coffee and later tea and rubber plantations were established there. Because the Sinhalese were not inclined to work for wages on the plantations, Tamil labor was brought in from southern India.  

The British established a communications network linking the whole island and to gradually introduce a unitary system of administration. They abolished service tenure, outlawed all monopolies, and removed all restrictions on the movement of goods and people, thus introducing a favorable climate for British investment. Land was liberally transferred to entrepreneurs and commercial agricultural ventures that developed from the 1830s. The central highlands were found suitable for commercial crops, and coffee and later tea and rubber plantations were established there. Because the Sinhalese were not inclined to work for wages on the plantations, Tamil labor was brought in from southern India.  

===Society: Plantation and peasant, 1800-1930===

===Society: Plantation and peasant, 1800-1930===

====Transport====

====Transport====

Under British rule extensive plantations were developed and the island became a large-scale producer of tea, rubber, and coconut products.  By the end of the 19th century tea and rubber had become the island's principal exports, and coconut and copra were also important. The plantation industry triggered economic development in subsidiary industries, transportation, banking, and port facilities.  Agricultural production, based on the rice culture of small peasants in village communities, changed more and more to export crops and products like cinnamon, coconut, and tobacco.  

Under British rule extensive plantations were developed and the island became a large-scale producer of tea, rubber, and coconut products.  By the end of the 19th century tea and rubber had become the island's principal exports, and coconut and copra were also important. The plantation industry triggered economic development in subsidiary industries, transportation, banking, and port facilities.  Agricultural production, based on the rice culture of small peasants in village communities, changed more and more to export crops and products like cinnamon, coconut, and tobacco.  

In 1824 the governor introduced coffee cultivation on the West Indian plan, and by 1841 the Ceylon output had become considerable, and grew steadily untill 1877 when 272,000 acres were under coffee cultivation, the total export amounting to 103,000,000 lb. Then owing to disease came a crisis, and a rapid decline, and by 1900 only a few thousand acres were left.  Responding to the failure of the coffee crops planters began extensively to grow the tea plant. By 1882 over 20,000 acres had been planted with tea, but the export that year was under 700,000 lb.  In 1897, 350,000 acres were planted, and the export was 116,000,000 lb. By 1900, the total area cultivated with tea was over 390,000 acres, while the estimate of shipments was put at 146,000,000 lb annually. Nearly every plantation has its factory, with the machinery necessary to prepare the leaf as brought in from the bushes until it becomes the tea of commerce, The total amount of capital now invested in the tea industry in Ceylon cannot be less than ₤10,000,000 . The tea-planting industry more than anything else has raised Ceylon from the depressed state to which it fell in 1882.<ref>[http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/CAU_CHA/CEYLON.html ''Encyclopedia Britannica'' (1911), 11th edition.]</ref>

In 1824 the governor introduced coffee cultivation on the West Indian plan, and by 1841 the Ceylon output had become considerable, and grew steadily until 1877 when 272,000 acres were under coffee cultivation, the total export amounting to 103,000,000 lb. Then owing to disease came a crisis, and a rapid decline, and by 1900 only a few thousand acres were left.  Responding to the failure of the coffee crops planters began extensively to grow the tea plant. By 1882 over 20,000 acres had been planted with tea, but the export that year was under 700,000 lb.  In 1897, 350,000 acres were planted, and the export was 116,000,000 lb. By 1900, the total area cultivated with tea was over 390,000 acres, while the estimate of shipments was put at 146,000,000 lb annually. Nearly every plantation has its factory, with the machinery necessary to prepare the leaf as brought in from the bushes until it becomes the tea of commerce, The total amount of capital now invested in the tea industry in Ceylon cannot be less than ₤10,000,000 . The tea-planting industry more than anything else has raised Ceylon from the depressed state to which it fell in 1882.<ref>[http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/CAU_CHA/CEYLON.html ''Encyclopedia Britannica'' (1911), 11th edition.]</ref>

The history of Ceylon in the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the expansion—followed by depression—of a plantation economy whose investors included not only British colonists but also the Ceylonese bourgeoisie and a certain number of small rural entrepreneurs. The introduction of plantations transformed the rural environment. A new agricultural regime emerged, with sharp effects on the peasant milieu, and the social relations it established between Sinhalese farmers, Tamil coolies, and British planters. The worldwide [[Great Depression]] of the 1930s finally upset the system.   

The history of Ceylon in the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the expansion—followed by depression—of a plantation economy whose investors included not only British colonists but also the Ceylonese bourgeoisie and a certain number of small rural entrepreneurs. The introduction of plantations transformed the rural environment. A new agricultural regime emerged, with sharp effects on the peasant milieu, and the social relations it established between Sinhalese farmers, Tamil coolies, and British planters. The worldwide [[Great Depression]] of the 1930s finally upset the system.   

Gokhale (1999) examines two leaders of the 20th-century revival of Buddhism in India and Sri Lanka: Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1892-1956) and Anagarika Dhammapala (1864-1933). Ambedkar, formally educated in the United States, used Buddhism to inspire faith to challenge the Hindu hierarchical caste system.<ref>Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, "Theravada Buddhism and Modernization: Anagarika Dhammapala and B. R. Ambedkar." ''Journal of Asian and African Studies'' 1999 34(1): 33-45. Issn: 0021-9096</ref>

Gokhale (1999) examines two leaders of the 20th-century revival of Buddhism in India and Sri Lanka: Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1892-1956) and Anagarika Dhammapala (1864-1933). Ambedkar, formally educated in the United States, used Buddhism to inspire faith to challenge the Hindu hierarchical caste system.<ref>Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, "Theravada Buddhism and Modernization: Anagarika Dhammapala and B. R. Ambedkar." ''Journal of Asian and African Studies'' 1999 34(1): 33-45. Issn: 0021-9096</ref>

Dhammapala's movement in Sri Lanka, which strengthened Sinhalese cultural identity for many, combined traditional and modern aspects of Buddhism. Many efforts to understand the relationship between Buddhism and Sinhalese nationalism have looked to Dharmapala, whose writings were collected in 1965 into a set entitled ''Return to Righteousness.'' Explanations for Buddhist revivalism and its relationship to nationalism in the late 19th century as personified by Dharmapala have employed what has been labeled the Protestant Buddhist thesis, which argues that ideologies of nationalism and scholarship on Buddhism imported from Protestant Europe forced a transformation of Buddhism to bring it in line with nationalist aspirations. While partly accepting this theory, close scrutiny of Dharmapala's diaries indicates that Buddhist asceticism was a more powerful force than has hitherto been noted, and that Dharmapala was not simply reinterpreting Buddhism in light of nationalist ideologies and agendas.<ref>Michael Roberts, "For Humanity. For the Sinhalese: Dharmapala as Crusading Bosat." ''Journal of Asian Studies]] 1997 56(4): 1006-1032. Issn: 0021-9118 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28199711%2956%3A4%3C1006%3AFHFTSD%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O  in Jstor]</ref>

Dhammapala's movement in Sri Lanka, which strengthened Sinhalese cultural identity for many, combined traditional and modern aspects of Buddhism. Many efforts to understand the relationship between Buddhism and Sinhalese nationalism have looked to Dharmapala, whose writings were collected in 1965 into a set entitled ''Return to Righteousness.'' Explanations for Buddhist revivalism and its relationship to nationalism in the late 19th century as personified by Dharmapala have employed what has been labeled the Protestant Buddhist thesis, which argues that ideologies of nationalism and scholarship on Buddhism imported from Protestant Europe forced a transformation of Buddhism to bring it in line with nationalist aspirations. While partly accepting this theory, close scrutiny of Dharmapala's diaries indicates that Buddhist asceticism was a more powerful force than has hitherto been noted, and that Dharmapala was not simply reinterpreting Buddhism in light of nationalist ideologies and agendas.<ref>Michael Roberts, "For Humanity. For the Sinhalese: Dharmapala as Crusading Bosat." ''Journal of Asian Studies'' 1997 56(4): 1006-1032. Issn: 0021-9118 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28199711%2956%3A4%3C1006%3AFHFTSD%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O  in Jstor]</ref>

====Muslim society====

====Muslim society====

Muslim girls in Sri Lanka were traditionally taught in the kuttabs (verandah schools) attached to mosques. These primary schools did not develop higher levels of education until the mid-18th century. Since the Portuguese, Dutch, and British brought missionary schools that stressed Christianity, Muslim women did not attend them and thus lagged behind in education. In 1891 the first modern schools were established for Muslim girls. Between 1931 and 1947 the minister of education wanted Muslim girls to receive the same education as Tamil and Sinhalese girls and pushed to include Islam and Arabic in secondary schools. By the 1960's, Muslim girls received a Western-style education, and into the 1980's Arabic colleges were established for women where degrees at the level of master of theology were offered.<ref>M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "History of Muslim Women's Education in Sri Lanka." ''Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society'' 2001 49(3): 15-19. Issn: 0030-9796</ref>

Muslim girls in Sri Lanka were traditionally taught in the kuttabs (verandah schools) attached to mosques. These primary schools did not develop higher levels of education until the mid-18th century. Since the Portuguese, Dutch, and British brought missionary schools that stressed Christianity, Muslim women did not attend them and thus lagged behind in education. In 1891 the first modern schools were established for Muslim girls. Between 1931 and 1947 the minister of education wanted Muslim girls to receive the same education as Tamil and Sinhalese girls and pushed to include Islam and Arabic in secondary schools. By the 1960s, Muslim girls received a Western-style education, and into the 1980s Arabic colleges were established for women where degrees at the level of master of theology were offered.<ref>M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "History of Muslim Women's Education in Sri Lanka." ''Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society'' 2001 49(3): 15-19. Issn: 0030-9796</ref>

===Political changees; the Donoughmore Constitution===

===Political changees; the Donoughmore Constitution===

After the 1971 uprising was defeated, the government moved further left, initiating radical land reforms in 1972 that limited holdings to 50 acres, and nationalizing foreign-owned tea plantations in 1975. The new constitution, adopted on May 22, 1972, made Ceylon the '''Republic of Sri Lanka''' (Lanka is the Sanskrit name of Ceylon), with Bandaranaike as prime minister. The press was muzzled, with a government-selected council empowered in 1973 to fine or jail journalists and publishers for disobeying government press guidelines. Public assemblies by the opposition United National Party (UNP) were outlawed, and the government closed the independent Davasa newspaper group. Meanwhile, the governing United Front held a series of mammoth public rallies in an effort to bolster public confidence in government economic policies; the escalating costs of food (especially rice) imports led to severe shortages as the rice ration was reduced.  

After the 1971 uprising was defeated, the government moved further left, initiating radical land reforms in 1972 that limited holdings to 50 acres, and nationalizing foreign-owned tea plantations in 1975. The new constitution, adopted on May 22, 1972, made Ceylon the '''Republic of Sri Lanka''' (Lanka is the Sanskrit name of Ceylon), with Bandaranaike as prime minister. The press was muzzled, with a government-selected council empowered in 1973 to fine or jail journalists and publishers for disobeying government press guidelines. Public assemblies by the opposition United National Party (UNP) were outlawed, and the government closed the independent Davasa newspaper group. Meanwhile, the governing United Front held a series of mammoth public rallies in an effort to bolster public confidence in government economic policies; the escalating costs of food (especially rice) imports led to severe shortages as the rice ration was reduced.  

The ULF soon began to rip apart. In 1975 the LSSP demanded control of the nationalized tea plantations; the larger SLFP wanted them and expelled the LSSP from the government. In 1976 the Communists withdrew from the coalition and aligned with the LSSP, forcing a general election in 1977. The backdrop was economic crisis and massive strikes. The railway workers' strike spread to many sectors of the civil service, shutting down most economic activity in the country. The government responded with its emergency powers and ordered all public employees to return to work under threat of heavy penalties for disobeying. It banned public meetings were banned in Colombo, and imposed tight censorship on the press.  Nevertheless the July 1977 elections wiped out the left in parliament.<ref>The SLFP went from 85 seats to 8; no members at all were elected by the LSSP or the Communist Party. The leaders of the 'old left' were thus all voted out, after some 40 years in parliament.</ref>   

The ULF soon began to rip apart. In 1975 the LSSP demanded control of the nationalized tea plantations; the larger SLFP wanted them and expelled the LSSP from the government. In 1976 the Communists withdrew from the coalition and aligned with the LSSP, forcing a general election in 1977. The backdrop was economic crisis and massive strikes. The railway workers' strike spread to many sectors of the civil service, shutting down most economic activity in the country. The government responded with its emergency powers and ordered all public employees to return to work under threat of heavy penalties for disobeying. It banned public meetings were banned in Colombo, and imposed tight censorship on the press.  Nevertheless, the July 1977 elections wiped out the left in parliament.<ref>The SLFP went from 85 seats to 8; no members at all were elected by the LSSP or the Communist Party. The leaders of the 'old left' were thus all voted out, after some 40 years in parliament.</ref>   

The 1977 elections resulted in an overwhelming victory for the UNP under Junius R. Jayewardene, with 139 seats out of 168.  The UNP, traditionally identified as the conservative party of big business and landowning interests, has been converted by Jayewardene to a program of democratic socialism. In October 1977 the constitution was amended to make the president a powerful executive head of state, and in February 1978 prime minister Jayewardene, leader of the UNP, assumed the new office for a six-year term. On Sept. 7, 1978, a new constitution was adopted, incorporating the 1977 amendment and renaming the country the '''Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka'''.  While Sinhala, the language of the majority, remained the official language under the new constitution, Tamil was granted the status of a national language.

The 1977 elections resulted in an overwhelming victory for the UNP under Junius R. Jayewardene, with 139 seats out of 168.  The UNP, traditionally identified as the conservative party of big business and landowning interests, has been converted by Jayewardene to a program of democratic socialism. In October 1977 the constitution was amended to make the president a powerful executive head of state, and in February 1978 prime minister Jayewardene, leader of the UNP, assumed the new office for a six-year term. On Sept. 7, 1978, a new constitution was adopted, incorporating the 1977 amendment and renaming the country the '''Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka'''.  While Sinhala, the language of the majority, remained the official language under the new constitution, Tamil was granted the status of a national language.

====Tamil politics====

====Tamil politics====

Tamil nationalism grew out of a parliamentary system that was corrupted by majority opportunism and crass populism. Sinhala and Tamil elites competed increasingly with each other for power and resources. Even intra-Sinhala party conflicts resulted in the scapegoating of Tamils. In the 1950s the Federal Party, led by elite Vellala Tamils, advocated federalism as a solution to meet Tamil needs. By the 1970s a number of Tamil parties had emerged and united behind the idea of a separate Tamil state. In the wake of anti-Tamil riots, rural, non-Vellala Tamil paramilitaries grew in the 1970's and seized control of the Tamil separatist nationalist struggle. Eventually the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) gained supremacy among paramilitaries and in the 1980s and 1990s refused to work toward a negotiated settlement.<ref>Purnaka L. Desilva, "The Growth of Tamil Paramilitary Nationalisms: Sinhala Chauvinism and Tamil Responses." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 97-117. Issn: 0085-6401</ref>

Tamil nationalism grew out of a parliamentary system that was corrupted by majority opportunism and crass populism. Sinhala and Tamil elites competed increasingly with each other for power and resources. Even intra-Sinhala party conflicts resulted in the scapegoating of Tamils. In the 1950s the Federal Party, led by elite Vellala Tamils, advocated federalism as a solution to meet Tamil needs. By the 1970s a number of Tamil parties had emerged and united behind the idea of a separate Tamil state. In the wake of anti-Tamil riots, rural, non-Vellala Tamil paramilitaries grew in the 1970s and seized control of the Tamil separatist nationalist struggle. Eventually the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) gained supremacy among paramilitaries and in the 1980s and 1990s refused to work toward a negotiated settlement.<ref>Purnaka L. Desilva, "The Growth of Tamil Paramilitary Nationalisms: Sinhala Chauvinism and Tamil Responses." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 97-117. Issn: 0085-6401</ref>

====Religious dimension====

====Religious dimension====

The LTTE's successes as a [[National liberation movement|liberation movement]] have been built on organizational skills and techno-military prowess. However they also mobilize both the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority within the Sri Lankan Tamil population via modalities that are deeply rooted in the lifestyles and religious practices of Tamils in India and Sri Lanka. Roberts (2005) argues that to grasp these capacities, a reading of the history of Tamil civilization "writ large" as well as the anthropological literature on religious cross-fertilization in Sri Lanka is essential. Propitiatory rituals in Tamil culture inform the LTTE's burial of the dead and the building up of a sacred topography centered on their fallen (the mavirar). Just as heroic humans were deified in southern India's past, regenerative divine power is conceivably invested in today's Tiger mavirar. These facets of Tamil Tiger practice suggest that "enchantment" can nestle amid secularized rationality in the structures of a modern political movement.<ref>Roberts, "Tamil Tiger 'Martyrs'" ''Studies in Conflict & Terrorism'' 2005</ref>

The LTTE's successes as a [[National liberation movement|liberation movement]] have been built on organizational skills and techno-military prowess. However they also mobilize both the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority within the Sri Lankan Tamil population via modalities that are deeply rooted in the lifestyles and religious practices of Tamils in India and Sri Lanka. Roberts (2005) argues that to grasp these capacities, a reading of the history of Tamil civilization "writ large" as well as the anthropological literature on religious cross-fertilization in Sri Lanka is essential. Propitiatory rituals in Tamil culture inform the LTTE's burial of the dead and the building up of a sacred topography centered on their fallen (the mavirar). Just as heroic humans were deified in southern India's past, regenerative divine power is conceivably invested in today's Tiger mavirar. These facets of Tamil Tiger practice suggest that "enchantment" can nestle amid secularized rationality in the structures of a modern political movement.<ref>Roberts, "Tamil Tiger 'Martyrs'" ''Studies in Conflict & Terrorism'' 2005</ref>

====Muslim role====

====Muslim role====

Sri Lankan Muslim ethnic identity has emerged out of the ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils. The highly urbanized Muslims of the southwest are engaged in trade and commerce, whereas Muslims in the northeast are more rural and involved in agricultural production. The southwest Muslim middle class strengthened its religious identity when the government sought resources from Middle Eastern countries to deal with the Tamil-Sinhalese conflict. At the same time the Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC) was formed in the northeast to cope with the security and self-defense needs there. The southwest Muslims' support of the SLMC disappeared when the SLMC supported revolution. Southwest Muslims shifted their support to Muslim moderates in the Sri Lankan Freedom Party, while others have rejoined the United National Party.<ref>Meghan O'Sullivan, "Conflict as a Catalyst: the Changing Politics of the Sri Lankan Muslims." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 281-308. Issn: 0085-6401</ref>

Sri Lankan Muslim ethnic identity has emerged from the ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils. The highly urbanized Muslims of the southwest are engaged in trade and commerce, whereas Muslims in the northeast are more rural and involved in agricultural production. The southwest Muslim middle class strengthened its religious identity when the government sought resources from Middle Eastern countries to deal with the Tamil-Sinhalese conflict. At the same time the Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC) was formed in the northeast to cope with the security and self-defense needs there. The southwest Muslims' support of the SLMC disappeared when the SLMC supported revolution. Southwest Muslims shifted their support to Muslim moderates in the Sri Lankan Freedom Party, while others have rejoined the United National Party.<ref>Meghan O'Sullivan, "Conflict as a Catalyst: the Changing Politics of the Sri Lankan Muslims." ''South Asia'' 1997 20(special Issue): 281-308. Issn: 0085-6401</ref>

==Bibliography==

==Bibliography==