Changes

==Origins==

==Origins==

The UAW was founded in May 1935 in Detroit under the auspices of the [[American Federation of Labor]] (AFL) after years of agitation within the AFL for organizing unions within major industries. The AFL had focused on organizing craft unions but at its 1935 convention, a caucus of industrial unions led by [[John L. Lewis]] formed the [[Committee for Industrial Organization]], the original CIO, within the AFL. Within one year, the AFL suspended the unions in the CIO, and these, including the UAW, formed the [[Congress of Industrial Organizations]] (CIO). Communists provided many of the organizers and took control of key union locals, such as Local 600, which represented the largest Ford plants. [[Walter Reuther]], a rising power, cooperated closely with the Communists, but historians disagree whether he was a full party member.<ref> Victor G. Devinatz, "Reassessing the Historical UAW: Walter Reuther's Affiliation with the Communist Party and Something of its Meaning - a Document of Party Involvement, 1939." ''Labour'' 2002 (49): 223-245. Issn: 0700-3862 Fulltext: in  History Cooperative </ref>

The UAW was founded in May 1935 in Detroit under the auspices of the [[American Federation of Labor]] (AFL) after years of agitation within the AFL for organizing unions within major industries. The AFL had focused on organizing craft unions but at its 1935 convention, a caucus of industrial unions led by [[John L. Lewis]] formed the [[Committee for Industrial Organization]], the original CIO, within the AFL. Within one year, the AFL suspended the unions in the CIO, and these, including the UAW, formed the [[Congress of Industrial Organizations]] (CIO). Communists provided many of the organizers and took control of key union locals, such as Local 600, which represented the largest Ford plants. [[Walter Reuther]], a rising power, cooperated closely with the Communists, but historians disagree whether he was a full party member.<ref>Victor G. Devinatz, "Reassessing the Historical UAW: Walter Reuther's Affiliation with the Communist Party and Something of its Meaning - a Document of Party Involvement, 1939." ''Labour'' 2002 (49): 223-245. Issn: 0700-3862 Fulltext: in  History Cooperative</ref>

The UAW rapidly found success in organizing with the sit-down strike — first in a General Motors plant in Atlanta, Georgia in 1936, and more famously in the Flint sit-down strike that began on December 30, 1936. That strike ended in February 1937 after [[Michigan]]'s governor [[Frank Murphy]] played the role of mediator, negotiating recognition of the UAW by General Motors. The next month, auto workers at Chrysler won recognition of the UAW as their representative in a sit-down strike.

The UAW rapidly found success in organizing with the sit-down strike — first in a General Motors plant in Atlanta, Georgia in 1936, and more famously in the Flint sit-down strike that began on December 30, 1936. That strike ended in February 1937 after [[Michigan]]'s governor [[Frank Murphy]] played the role of mediator, negotiating recognition of the UAW by General Motors. The next month, auto workers at Chrysler won recognition of the UAW as their representative in a sit-down strike.

The UAW (and especially Reuther) promoted "[[Industrial Democracy]]", meaning a scheme whereby great national economic decisions would be made by new regulatory boards comprising industry, unions, and the government, perhaps with the addition of consumers and farmers.  It was a utopian power grab that excited few rank and file members, who instead wanted higher wages and a better retirement deal.  The concept of "Industrial Democracy" did not mean internal democracy in the union. The union was controlled by a few hundred local and district leaders, who controlled the locals below them and who in turn elected the top leaders.<ref>Boyle (1995)</ref>  

The UAW (and especially Reuther) promoted "[[Industrial Democracy]]", meaning a scheme whereby great national economic decisions would be made by new regulatory boards comprising industry, unions, and the government, perhaps with the addition of consumers and farmers.  It was a utopian power grab that excited few rank and file members, who instead wanted higher wages and a better retirement deal.  The concept of "Industrial Democracy" did not mean internal democracy in the union. The union was controlled by a few hundred local and district leaders, who controlled the locals below them and who in turn elected the top leaders.<ref>Boyle (1995)</ref>  

Immediately after the war left-wing elements demanded a 30 hour week (for 40 hours pay),  (called 30-40).<ref> Cutler, (2004)</ref> Reuther rejected 30-40 and decided to concentrate on total annual wages, displaying a new corporatist mentality that accepted management's argument that shorter hours conflicted with wage increases and other job benefits and abandoning the old confrontational syndicalist position that shorter hours drove up wages and protected against unemployment.

Immediately after the war left-wing elements demanded a 30 hour week (for 40 hours pay),  (called 30-40).<ref>Cutler, (2004)</ref> Reuther rejected 30-40 and decided to concentrate on total annual wages, displaying a new corporatist mentality that accepted management's argument that shorter hours conflicted with wage increases and other job benefits and abandoning the old confrontational syndicalist position that shorter hours drove up wages and protected against unemployment.

In the 1960s, the UAW used its strategy of negotiating a contract with one major auto maker and applying it to others to secure a number of new benefits for auto workers, including fully paid hospitalization and sick leave benefits at General Motors and profit sharing in American Motors. The UAW also grew to include workers in other major industries such as the [[aerospace]] and agricultural-implement industries.

In the 1960s, the UAW used its strategy of negotiating a contract with one major auto maker and applying it to others to secure a number of new benefits for auto workers, including fully paid hospitalization and sick leave benefits at General Motors and profit sharing in American Motors. The UAW also grew to include workers in other major industries such as the [[aerospace]] and agricultural-implement industries.

During this time, UAW members became one of the best paid groups of industrial workers in the country — many buying second homes in the country, boats, and earning enough to move to the suburbs and send their children to college. The UAW negotiated a "job bank" whereby workers who were laid off would go to a location where they did nothing whatever, yet were paid almost their full wages and benefits and had the rights to be the first rehired.

During this time, UAW members became one of the best paid groups of industrial workers in the country — many buying second homes in the country, boats, and earning enough to move to the suburbs and send their children to college. The UAW negotiated a "job bank" whereby workers who were laid off would go to a location where they did nothing whatever, yet were paid almost their full wages and benefits and had the rights to be the first rehired.

The (UAW) supported liberalized trade during and after World War II more enthusiastically than any other union. UAW officials believed that freer trade would help create a high-wage, high-production, full-employment economy that would benefit not only automobile workers, but American consumers more generally. After the war, the UAW also organized workers in industries that depended on exports: agricultural implement, construction, and aerospace.<ref> Esposito, (2004)</ref>

The (UAW) supported liberalized trade during and after World War II more enthusiastically than any other union. UAW officials believed that freer trade would help create a high-wage, high-production, full-employment economy that would benefit not only automobile workers, but American consumers more generally. After the war, the UAW also organized workers in industries that depended on exports: agricultural implement, construction, and aerospace.<ref>Esposito, (2004)</ref>

==Decline after 1973==

==Decline after 1973==

The situation for the automotive industry and UAW members worsened dramatically with the soaring price of gasoline after 1973 and, especially, the dramatic inroads of Japanese and other imports. This started years of layoffs and wage reductions, and the UAW found itself in the position of giving up many of the benefits it had won for workers over the decades. By the early 1980s, the state of Michigan had been devastated economically by the losses in jobs and income within the state's largest industry. This peaked with the near-bankruptcy of Chrysler in 1979. Cities such as Flint, Lansing, and Detroit began to lose population and businesses.  By 1980 the Congress, with support from corporations and the UAW support, had established import quotas for foreign makes. The Japanese, European and Korean car makers thereupon started building modern, non-union factories in the South, and continued to gain market share.  They were profitable while the unionized Big Three teetered on the verge of bankruptcy.

The situation for the automotive industry and UAW members worsened dramatically with the soaring price of gasoline after 1973 and, especially, the dramatic inroads of Japanese and other imports. This started years of layoffs and wage reductions, and the UAW found itself in the position of giving up many of the benefits it had won for workers over the decades. By the early 1980s, the state of Michigan had been devastated economically by the losses in jobs and income within the state's largest industry. This peaked with the near-bankruptcy of Chrysler in 1979. Cities such as Flint, Lansing, and Detroit began to lose population and businesses.  By 1980 the Congress, with support from corporations and the UAW support, had established import quotas for foreign makes. The Japanese, European and Korean car makers thereupon started building modern, non-union factories in the South, and continued to gain market share.  They were profitable while the unionized Big Three teetered on the verge of bankruptcy.

In 1985 the UAW's Canadian division broke off from the union over a dispute regarding negotiation tactics and formed the [[Canadian Auto Workers]] as an independent union.<ref> Roberts (2003)</ref>  

In 1985 the UAW's Canadian division broke off from the union over a dispute regarding negotiation tactics and formed the [[Canadian Auto Workers]] as an independent union.<ref>Roberts (2003)</ref>  

Strikes became more and more infrequent, although the threat remained. The protracted 1991-98 labor dispute between Caterpillar Inc. and the UAW ultimately resulted in a decisive union defeat.<ref>Devinatz, (2005) </ref>

Strikes became more and more infrequent, although the threat remained. The protracted 1991-98 labor dispute between Caterpillar Inc. and the UAW ultimately resulted in a decisive union defeat.<ref>Devinatz, (2005)</ref>

The UAW called a nationwide strike against GM in September 2007, the first in 37 years. It lasted only two days and ended with a compromise contract that GM favored. The new contract creates a trust fund financed by GM and run by the union that will administer healthcare benefits for retired GM workers.  GM's primary goal was to erase a $25-an-hour differential in labor costs between the unionized automakers (GM, Ford and Chrysler) and Japanese-owned companies such as Toyota, which have non-union workers at their U.S. plants.  GM's labor costs (including pensions and benefits) averaged $80 an hour--about $160,000 per year per worker--compared to $50 at Toyota.  GM, Ford and Chrysler have a combined $90.5 billion in unfunded retiree healthcare obligations; in the new agreement GM will shift about $36 billion of its $50 billion in retiree healthcare obligations into the trust fund.  The new contract creates a two-tier wage scale, which would establish a lower pay scale for new workers hired into non-manufacturing jobs, such as janitorial and landscaping positions.  In return, the UAW won concessions on job security regarding moving jobs offshore.  GM's unionized force has drastically shrunk in recent years, as only 73,000 blue collar union members went on strike.

The UAW called a nationwide strike against GM in September 2007, the first in 37 years. It lasted only two days and ended with a compromise contract that GM favored. The new contract creates a trust fund financed by GM and run by the union that will administer healthcare benefits for retired GM workers.  GM's primary goal was to erase a $25-an-hour differential in labor costs between the unionized automakers (GM, Ford and Chrysler) and Japanese-owned companies such as Toyota, which have non-union workers at their U.S. plants.  GM's labor costs (including pensions and benefits) averaged $80 an hour—about $160,000 per year per worker—compared to $50 at Toyota.  GM, Ford and Chrysler have a combined $90.5 billion in unfunded retiree healthcare obligations; in the new agreement GM will shift about $36 billion of its $50 billion in retiree healthcare obligations into the trust fund.  The new contract creates a two-tier wage scale, which would establish a lower pay scale for new workers hired into non-manufacturing jobs, such as janitorial and landscaping positions.  In return, the UAW won concessions on job security regarding moving jobs offshore.  GM's unionized force has drastically shrunk in recent years, as only 73,000 blue collar union members went on strike.

==Race==

==Race==