Changes

The UAW (and especially Reuther) promoted "[[Industrial Democracy]]", meaning a scheme whereby great national economic decisions would be made by new regulatory boards comprising industry, unions, and the government, perhaps with the addition of consumers and farmers.  It was a utopian power grab that excited few rank and file members, who instead wanted higher wages and a better retirement deal.  The concept of "Industrial Democracy" did not mean internal democracy in the union. The union was controlled by a few hundred local and district leaders, who controlled the locals below them and who in turn elected the top leaders.<ref>Boyle (1995)</ref>  

The UAW (and especially Reuther) promoted "[[Industrial Democracy]]", meaning a scheme whereby great national economic decisions would be made by new regulatory boards comprising industry, unions, and the government, perhaps with the addition of consumers and farmers.  It was a utopian power grab that excited few rank and file members, who instead wanted higher wages and a better retirement deal.  The concept of "Industrial Democracy" did not mean internal democracy in the union. The union was controlled by a few hundred local and district leaders, who controlled the locals below them and who in turn elected the top leaders.<ref>Boyle (1995)</ref>  

Immediately after the war left-wing elements demanded a 30 hour week (for 40 hours pay),  (called 30-40).<ref>Cutler, (2004)</ref> Reuther rejected 30-40 and decided to concentrate on total annual wages, displaying a new corporatist mentality that accepted management's argument that shorter hours conflicted with wage increases and other job benefits and abandoning the old confrontational syndicalist position that shorter hours drove up wages and protected against unemployment.

Immediately after the war left-wing elements demanded a 30-hour week (for 40 hours pay),  (called 30-40).<ref>Cutler, (2004)</ref> Reuther rejected 30-40 and decided to concentrate on total annual wages, displaying a new corporatist mentality that accepted management's argument that shorter hours conflicted with wage increases and other job benefits and abandoning the old confrontational syndicalist position that shorter hours drove up wages and protected against unemployment.

In the 1960s, the UAW used its strategy of negotiating a contract with one major auto maker and applying it to others to secure a number of new benefits for auto workers, including fully paid hospitalization and sick leave benefits at General Motors and profit sharing in American Motors. The UAW also grew to include workers in other major industries such as the [[aerospace]] and agricultural-implement industries.

In the 1960s, the UAW used its strategy of negotiating a contract with one major auto maker and applying it to others to secure a number of new benefits for auto workers, including fully paid hospitalization and sick leave benefits at General Motors and profit sharing in American Motors. The UAW also grew to include workers in other major industries such as the [[aerospace]] and agricultural-implement industries.

==Race==

==Race==

According to Williams (2005) the UAW used the rhetoric of civic or liberal nationalism to fight for the rights of blacks and other workers of color between the 1930's and 1970's. At the same time, however, it used this rhetoric to simultaneously challenge the demands and limit the organizing efforts of black workers seeking to overcome institutional racial hierarchies in the workplace, housing, and the UAW itself by characterizing these demands and efforts as antidemocratic and anti-American. Three examples show how the UAW use of working class nationalism functioned as a countersubversive tradition within American liberalism: the UAW campaign at the Ford plant in Dearborn, Michigan, in the late 1930's, the 1942 conflict in Detroit over the black occupancy of the Sojourner Truth housing project, and the responses of the UAW under the conservative leadership of Walter Reuther to the demands of black workers for representation in UAW leadership between the mid-1940s and the 1960s.

According to Williams (2005) the UAW used the rhetoric of civic or liberal nationalism to fight for the rights of blacks and other workers of color between the 1930s and 1970s. At the same time, however, it used this rhetoric to simultaneously challenge the demands and limit the organizing efforts of black workers seeking to overcome institutional racial hierarchies in the workplace, housing, and the UAW itself by characterizing these demands and efforts as antidemocratic and anti-American. Three examples show how the UAW use of working class nationalism functioned as a countersubversive tradition within American liberalism: the UAW campaign at the Ford plant in Dearborn, Michigan, in the late 1930s, the 1942 conflict in Detroit over the black occupancy of the Sojourner Truth housing project, and the responses of the UAW under the conservative leadership of Walter Reuther to the demands of black workers for representation in UAW leadership between the mid-1940s and the 1960s.

== Academic Union ==

== Academic Union ==