Changes

responsible. We all want the things which the factory produces and none of us is sensitive enough to care how much  

responsible. We all want the things which the factory produces and none of us is sensitive enough to care how much  

in human values the efficiency of the modern factory costs"  

in human values the efficiency of the modern factory costs"  

.<ref>Niebuhr, ''Leaves from the Notebook of a Tamed Cynic'' pp. 79-80)</ref>  

.<ref>Niebuhr, ''Leaves from the Notebook of a Tamed Cynic'' pp. 79-80</ref>  

The problem is that Niebuhr never talked to the workers. He assumed they were automatons with crushed feelings. In fact, as many studies of assembly lines have shown, the work may have been dull but the workers had complex motivations and boasted about their jobs and tried hard to place their sons on the assembly line.  Ford tried and failed to control work habits, then, after extensive sociological studies in which they DID interview the workers, management realized that the workers' were much more interested in controlling their home life than their work life. The Ford solution was [[welfare capitalism]], paying very high wages with added benefits, such as vacations and retirement, that reduced turnover amd appealed primarily to family men. Niebuhr should have asked his own parishioners.<ref>Stephen Meyer, ''The Five Dollar Day: Labor Management and Social Control in the Ford Motor Company, 1908-1921,'' (1981); David Brody, ''Workers in Industrial America,'' (1980) ch 2 on welfare capitalism in 1920s; see also Richard M. Steers and Lyman W. Porter, eds. ''Motivation and Work Behavior'' (1979)</ref>

The problem is that Niebuhr never talked to the workers. He assumed they were automatons with crushed feelings. In fact, as many studies of assembly lines have shown, the work may have been dull but the workers had complex motivations and boasted about their jobs and tried hard to place their sons on the assembly line.  Ford tried and failed to control work habits, then, after extensive sociological studies in which they DID interview the workers, management realized that the workers' were much more interested in controlling their home life than their work life. The Ford solution was [[welfare capitalism]], paying very high wages with added benefits, such as vacations and retirement, that reduced turnover amd appealed primarily to family men. Niebuhr should have asked his own parishioners.<ref>Stephen Meyer, ''The Five Dollar Day: Labor Management and Social Control in the Ford Motor Company, 1908-1921,'' (1981); David Brody, ''Workers in Industrial America,'' (1980) ch 2 on welfare capitalism in 1920s; see also Richard M. Steers and Lyman W. Porter, eds. ''Motivation and Work Behavior'' (1979)</ref>

===Race ===

===Race ===

Niebuhr's thought on racial justice developed slowly after he abandoned socialism. Niebuhr attributed the injustices of society to human pride and self love and believed that this innate propensity for evil could not be controlled by humanity. However, he felt that a representative democracy could improve society's ills. Like Edmund Burke, Niebuhr endorsed natural evolution over imposed change and emphasized experience over theory. Niebuhr's Burkean ideology, however, often conflicted with his liberal principles, particularly regarding his perspective on racial justice. Though vehemently opposed to racial inequality, Niebuhr adopted an extremely conservative position on segregation. Yet while most liberals endorsed integration after World War II, Niebuhr remained focused on achieving equal opportunity and warned against imposing changes that could result in violence. The violence that followed peaceful demonstrations in the 1960s forced Niebuhr to reverse his position against imposed equality and witnessing the problem of the Northern ghettos later caused him to doubt that equality was attainable.<ref>Greg Robinson, Reinhold Niebuhr: The Racial Liberal as Burkean. Prospects 2000 25: 641-661. 0361-2333</ref>  

Niebuhr's thought on racial justice developed slowly after he abandoned socialism. Niebuhr attributed the injustices of society to human pride and self-love and believed that this innate propensity for evil could not be controlled by humanity. However, he felt that a representative democracy could improve society's ills. Like Edmund Burke, Niebuhr endorsed natural evolution over imposed change and emphasized experience over theory. Niebuhr's Burkean ideology, however, often conflicted with his liberal principles, particularly regarding his perspective on racial justice. Though vehemently opposed to racial inequality, Niebuhr adopted an extremely conservative position on segregation. Yet while most liberals endorsed integration after World War II, Niebuhr remained focused on achieving equal opportunity and warned against imposing changes that could result in violence. The violence that followed peaceful demonstrations in the 1960s forced Niebuhr to reverse his position against imposed equality and witnessing the problem of the Northern ghettos later caused him to doubt that equality was attainable.<ref>Greg Robinson, Reinhold Niebuhr: The Racial Liberal as Burkean. Prospects 2000 25: 641-661. 0361-2333</ref>  

===Magnum Opus===

===Magnum Opus===

His two volume work ''The Nature and Destiny of Man: A Christian Interpretation'' (1941) was written as his magnum opus.  It is little read and seldom cited, for Niebuhr, who lacked a PhD,  was trying too hard to demonstrate his scholarly credentials.

His two volume work ''The Nature and Destiny of Man: A Christian Interpretation'' (1941) was written as his magnum opus.  It is little read and seldom cited, for Niebuhr, who lacked a PhD,  was trying too hard to demonstrate his scholarly credentials.

Niebuhr made many bold assertions regarding Judaism.  As a young pastor in Detroit, he favored conversion of Jews to Christianity, scolding the status quo of evangelical Christians who then by and large ignored them. He did so by speaking out against "the unchristlike attitude of Christians" and what he then saw as his fellow Christian's "Jewish bigotry." <ref>Fox, ''Reinhold Niebuhr" (1985)</ref>  His 1933 article in the ''Christian Century'' was an attempt to sound the alarm within the Christian community over Hitler's "cultural annihilation of the Jews."<ref>Fox, ''Reinhold Niebuhr" (1985)</ref>  Eventually his theology evolved to the point where he was the first prominent Christian theologian to argue it was inappropriate for Christians to seek to convert Jews to their faith.<ref>He wrote several articles regarding the pre and post World War II plight of European Jews: "Jews After the War" (in 2 parts ''Nation'' February 21 and February 28, 1942, pages 214-216 and 253-255), "It Might Have Been" (''Evangelical Herald'' March 29, 1923, page  202), "The Rapprochement Between Jews and Christians" (''Christian Century'' January 7, 1926, pages 9-11), "Germany Must Be Told" (''Christian Century'' August 9, 1933, pages 1014-1015, follow-up ''Letter to the Editor'' in to this article same journal May 27, 1936, p. 771).</ref>  

Niebuhr made many bold assertions regarding Judaism.  As a young pastor in Detroit, he favored conversion of Jews to Christianity, scolding the status quo of evangelical Christians who then by and large ignored them. He did so by speaking out against "the unchristlike attitude of Christians" and what he then saw as his fellow Christian's "Jewish bigotry." <ref>Fox, ''Reinhold Niebuhr" (1985)</ref>  His 1933 article in the ''Christian Century'' was an attempt to sound the alarm within the Christian community over Hitler's "cultural annihilation of the Jews."<ref>Fox, ''Reinhold Niebuhr" (1985)</ref>  Eventually his theology evolved to the point where he was the first prominent Christian theologian to argue it was inappropriate for Christians to seek to convert Jews to their faith.<ref>He wrote several articles regarding the pre and post World War II plight of European Jews: "Jews After the War" (in 2 parts ''Nation'' February 21 and February 28, 1942, pages 214-216 and 253-255), "It Might Have Been" (''Evangelical Herald'' March 29, 1923, page  202), "The Rapprochement Between Jews and Christians" (''Christian Century'' January 7, 1926, pages 9-11), "Germany Must Be Told" (''Christian Century'' August 9, 1933, pages 1014-1015, follow-up ''Letter to the Editor'' in to this article same journal May 27, 1936, p. 771).</ref>  

As a preacher, writer, leader, and advisor to political figures, Niebuhr consistently and unambiguously supported Zionism and Israel. Unlike most Christian Zionists, he never discussed it from a theological perspective. The solution to anti-Semitism he propounded was a combination of a Jewish homeland, greater tolerance, and further assimilation in other countries.  Indeed his maximalist approach to the Palestinian question went beyond the Zionist position. As early as 1942, he advocated the total expulsion of Arabs from Palestine and their resettlement in other Arabic countries. His extreme position may relate to his religious conviction that life on earth is never perfect, to his outrage over the Holocaust, or to the example of Germans being forcibly removed from Eastern Europe after World War II.<ref>Eyal Naveh,  "Unconventional 'Christian Zionist': The Theologian Reinhold Niebuhr and his Attitude toward the Jewish National Movement". ''Studies in Zionism'' 1990 11(2): 183-196; 1991 12(1): 85-88.</ref>

As a preacher, writer, leader, and advisor to political figures, Niebuhr consistently and unambiguously supported Zionism and Israel. Unlike most Christian Zionists, he never discussed it from a theological perspective. The solution to anti-Semitism he propounded was a combination of a Jewish homeland, greater tolerance, and further assimilation in other countries.  Indeed, his maximalist approach to the Palestinian question went beyond the Zionist position. As early as 1942, he advocated the total expulsion of Arabs from Palestine and their resettlement in other Arabic countries. His extreme position may relate to his religious conviction that life on earth is never perfect, to his outrage over the Holocaust, or to the example of Germans being forcibly removed from Eastern Europe after World War II.<ref>Eyal Naveh,  "Unconventional 'Christian Zionist': The Theologian Reinhold Niebuhr and his Attitude toward the Jewish National Movement". ''Studies in Zionism'' 1990 11(2): 183-196; 1991 12(1): 85-88.</ref>

===Niebuhr and Communism===

===Niebuhr and Communism===

===Niebuhr and black militants===

===Niebuhr and black militants===

In the "Letter from Birmingham Jail" [[Martin Luther King]] wrote "Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals." King valued Niebuhr's social and ethical ideals. King attributed his own non-violent posture more to the influence of Niebuhr and [[Paul Tillich]] than to the example of [[Gandhi]].<ref>[http://speakingoffaith.publicradio.org/programs/niebuhr-rediscovered/d72.shtml April 13, 1970 Letter to Niebuhr]</ref>  On the other hand Niebuhr was friendly to the white South, was never an active supporter of the ciivl rights movement and refused to sign petitions when asked by King.

In the "Letter from Birmingham Jail" [[Martin Luther King]] wrote "Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals." King valued Niebuhr's social and ethical ideals. King attributed his own non-violent posture more to the influence of Niebuhr and [[Paul Tillich]] than to the example of [[Gandhi]].<ref>[http://speakingoffaith.publicradio.org/programs/niebuhr-rediscovered/d72.shtml April 13, 1970 Letter to Niebuhr]</ref>  On the other hand, Niebuhr was friendly to the white South, was never an active supporter of the ciivl rights movement and refused to sign petitions when asked by King.

==="The sad duty of politics is to establish justice in a sinful world"===

==="The sad duty of politics is to establish justice in a sinful world"===