Changes

Early in the 20th century, some leaders, such as Mullins, attempted to forge ties with Northern evangelicals.  The effort collapsed in the 1920s when the "Scopes Monkey Trial" showed an unbridgeable gap between the regions on the issues such as evolution.. Thereafter the SBC stood aloof and avoided any connections with other religious bodies. The lingering influence of Landmarkism, Southern regionalism, and Northern opposition to Southern race relations stood in the way of closer connections. Though its theology had sectarian elements, the SBC dominated white Southern culture into the 1970s. By the 1980s, however, conservatives had taken firm control of the SBC and saw value in allying with Northern evangelicals because both felt threatened by secular humanism and the Left. No longer as dominant in the South, the SBC shared with the neo-evangelicals in "straddling the Christ-and-culture-in-paradox and Christ-and-the-transformer-of-culture positions." Religious alliances were possible because evangelicals North and South had arrived at similar cultural positions, and the SBC membership itself was growing rapidly outside the South by appealing to migrating Southerners and even more to like-minded Northerners.<ref>Barry Hankins, ''Southern Baptists and Northern Evangelicals: Cultural Factors and The Nature Of Religious Alliances". ''Religion and American Culture'' 1997 7(2): 271-298.</ref>  

Early in the 20th century, some leaders, such as Mullins, attempted to forge ties with Northern evangelicals.  The effort collapsed in the 1920s when the "Scopes Monkey Trial" showed an unbridgeable gap between the regions on the issues such as evolution.. Thereafter the SBC stood aloof and avoided any connections with other religious bodies. The lingering influence of Landmarkism, Southern regionalism, and Northern opposition to Southern race relations stood in the way of closer connections. Though its theology had sectarian elements, the SBC dominated white Southern culture into the 1970s. By the 1980s, however, conservatives had taken firm control of the SBC and saw value in allying with Northern evangelicals because both felt threatened by secular humanism and the Left. No longer as dominant in the South, the SBC shared with the neo-evangelicals in "straddling the Christ-and-culture-in-paradox and Christ-and-the-transformer-of-culture positions." Religious alliances were possible because evangelicals North and South had arrived at similar cultural positions, and the SBC membership itself was growing rapidly outside the South by appealing to migrating Southerners and even more to like-minded Northerners.<ref>Barry Hankins, ''Southern Baptists and Northern Evangelicals: Cultural Factors and The Nature Of Religious Alliances". ''Religion and American Culture'' 1997 7(2): 271-298.</ref>  

To form a successful political coalition, SBC leaders had to rethink the relationship of church and state. Hankins (1998) examines the thought of key leaders of the SBC from the 1940s through the mid-1990s who advocated accommodationism - the belief that the government should actively support and promote Christianity. This was a new idea, for the Baptists had long insisted on a sharp separation of church and state. However influential conservatives popularized accommodationism in the SBC since the 1980s.<ref>Barry Hankins, “The Evangelical Accommodationism of Southern Baptist Convention Conservatives." ''Baptist History And Heritage'' 1998 33(1): 54-65.</ref> Politically most  Southern Baptist leaders had shown little interest in partisan politics before about 1980, when [[Ronald Reagan]] encouraged prominent ministers to form a political coalition with the [[Republican Party]] based on moral issues, including opposition to abortion and support for school prayer.  Many GOP leaders have joined SBC churches (including [[Newt Gingrich]]<ref>Though Gingrich later converted to his (third) wife's Roman Catholicism.</ref> and [[John McCain]]), but the first insider to show wide political appeal was [[Mike Huckabee]] in 2008.<ref>Oran P. Smith, ''The Rise of Baptist Republicanism'' (1997)</ref>

To form a successful political coalition, SBC leaders had to rethink the relationship of church and state. Hankins (1998) examines the thought of key leaders of the SBC from the 1940s through the mid-1990s who advocated accommodationism - the belief that the government should actively support and promote Christianity. This was a new idea, for the Baptists had long insisted on a sharp separation of church and state. However influential conservatives popularized accommodationism in the SBC since the 1980s.<ref>Barry Hankins, “The Evangelical Accommodationism of Southern Baptist Convention Conservatives." ''Baptist History And Heritage'' 1998 33(1): 54-65.</ref> Politically most  Southern Baptist leaders had shown little interest in partisan politics before about 1980, when [[Ronald Reagan]] encouraged prominent ministers to form a political coalition with the [[Republican Party]] based on moral issues, including opposition to abortion and support for school prayer.  Many GOP leaders have joined SBC churches (including [[Newt Gingrich]]<ref>Though Gingrich later converted to his (third) wife's Roman Catholicism.</ref> and [[John McCain]]), but the first insider to show wide political appeal was [[Mike Huckabee]] (a life-long Southern Baptist and former pastor) in 2008.<ref>Oran P. Smith, ''The Rise of Baptist Republicanism'' (1997)</ref>

Although Southern whites began voting Republican in presidential elections in the 1960s, they considered themselves Democrats and voted for state and local Democrats for many more years.  The table shows that SBC pastors were only 27% Republican in the 1970s; they then moved into the GOP, followed by their parishioners a few years later. By 2004 all elements of the SBC were heavily Republican in orientation. The GOP identification slipped a little in 2008, but about 80% of the Southern Baptists voted for McCain over Barack Obama.

Although Southern whites began voting Republican in presidential elections in the 1960s, they considered themselves Democrats and voted for state and local Democrats for many more years.  The table shows that SBC pastors were only 27% Republican in the 1970s; they then moved into the GOP, followed by their parishioners a few years later. By 2004 all elements of the SBC were heavily Republican in orientation. The GOP identification slipped a little in 2008, but about 80% of the Southern Baptists voted for McCain over Barack Obama.