| − | {{Cquote|Social democratic parties, meanwhile, are facing a mixture of electoral decline and challenge from both the greens and the left. Only Portugal, where the Socialist Party holds 37 per cent of seats and leads a coalition government with the far left, has bucked the trend. Sweden’s social democrats, down to 28 per cent of the vote in last year’s election, cling precariously to power in a caretaker government. Elsewhere, the typical fate of the classic social democrat parties, for example in [[Austria]] and [[Denmark]], is to hover around 25 per cent. In both [[Germany]] and [[Italy]], where strong social democracy was a lynchpin of the postwar anti-[[fascism|fascist]] settlement, support for social democrats has slumped below 20 per cent.<ref>[https://www.newstatesman.com/world/europe/2019/01/will-far-right-triumph-europe-2019 Will the far right triumph in Europe in 2019?], New Statesman America, January 2019</ref>}} | + | {{Cquote|Social democratic parties, meanwhile, are facing a mixture of electoral decline and challenge from both the greens and the left. Only [[Portugal]], where the Socialist Party holds 37 per cent of seats and leads a coalition government with the far left, has bucked the trend. [[Sweden]]’s social democrats, down to 28 per cent of the vote in last year’s election, cling precariously to power in a caretaker government. Elsewhere, the typical fate of the classic social democrat parties, for example in [[Austria]] and [[Denmark]], is to hover around 25 per cent. In both [[Germany]] and [[Italy]], where strong social democracy was a lynchpin of the postwar anti-[[fascism|fascist]] settlement, support for social democrats has slumped below 20 per cent.<ref>[https://www.newstatesman.com/world/europe/2019/01/will-far-right-triumph-europe-2019 Will the far right triumph in Europe in 2019?], New Statesman America, January 2019</ref>}} |