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Because of his criticism of the [[Vietnam War]] (and perhaps the NSA), the NSA monitored him in "Project Minaret", along with [[Martin Luther King Jr.]] and [[Howard Baker]]. The NSA would later say that "Project Minaret" was "disreputable if not outright illegal."<ref>https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/09/25/secret-cold-war-documents-reveal-nsa-spied-on-senators/</ref>
 
Because of his criticism of the [[Vietnam War]] (and perhaps the NSA), the NSA monitored him in "Project Minaret", along with [[Martin Luther King Jr.]] and [[Howard Baker]]. The NSA would later say that "Project Minaret" was "disreputable if not outright illegal."<ref>https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/09/25/secret-cold-war-documents-reveal-nsa-spied-on-senators/</ref>
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The Church Committee uncovered several foreign coups, assassinations, and attempted assassinations of foreign leaders, often by rogue elements within the CIA without presidential authorization, congressional oversight, or [[advise and consent]].<ref>[https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/library/document/0005/7324009.pdf - Report on CIA Assassination Plots (1)”], Richard B. Cheney Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library</ref>  This marked the beginning of a permanent Senate Intelligence oversight committee.<ref>https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/int022.html</ref>  The CIA director now must report to the permanent committee every 30 days on its ongoing activities.  The director must inform the committee of all covert operations, including if the CIA has killed anyone within the past 30 days, whether it be authorized by a [[Presidential Finding]]<ref>[https://fas.org/irp/eprint/snyder/covertaction.htm Covert Action: the Delicate Balance], Diane C. Snyder</ref> or for the purposes of maintaining operational security.
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The Church Committee uncovered several foreign coups, assassinations, and attempted assassinations of foreign leaders, often by rogue elements within the CIA without presidential authorization, congressional oversight, or [[advise and consent]].<ref>[https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/library/document/0005/7324009.pdf - Report on CIA Assassination Plots (1)”], Richard B. Cheney Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library</ref>  This marked the beginning of a permanent Senate Intelligence oversight committee.<ref><small>"The Senate acted first in May 1976, creating the Select Committee on Intelligence. The House followed suit a little over a year later, creating the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. Both committees were made responsible for authorizing expenditures for intelligence activities (although the Senate was limited to "national" intelligence, whereas the House mandate included both "national" and "tactical" intelligence activities), and for conducting necessary oversight. The resolutions creating both committees recognized that they would be kept "fully and currently informed" of intelligence activities under their purview. Both committees were added to the list of those to receive notice of covert actions under the Hughes-Ryan amendment. The Senate committee also was given responsibility for handling the confirmation proceedings when the DCI and the Deputy DCI were nominated by the President.
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While efforts were made in succeeding months to let emotions over intelligence activities subside and to establish more "normal" relationships between the Legislative and Executive branches, the hiatus was relatively short-lived. In 1977, the Senate Committee reexamined the question whether the aggregate intelligence budget should be released publicly. This issue would continue to be debated for the next two decades. The statement of newly-appointed DCI Turner that he had no problem with the release of this figure aroused protests from those who believed disclosure could assist hostile intelligence services in deciphering U.S. intelligence activity.
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In August 1977, DCI Turner prompted a more substantial controversy by announcing his intention to reduce the CIA's Directorate of Operations by 800 people. The first reductions occurred on 31 October 1977 (called the "Halloween Massacre" within CIA) when 200 officers were fired. Critics of the DCI charged that he was destroying the CIA's human source collection capability in favor of technical collection programs run by the Department of Defense. (Some in Defense, on the other hand, perceived Turner as attempting to take over those programs.)
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On 24 January 1978, President Carter issued a new Executive Order on intelligence which reaffirmed the DCI's Community-wide authority over priorities, tasking, and the budget; contained additional restrictions on collection techniques, participation in domestic activities, and human experimentation; and reiterated the ban on assassinations. Intelligence agencies were specifically required to promulgate procedures to govern the collection of information on U.S. citizens and persons admitted to the U.S. for permanent residence.
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Notwithstanding the new presidential order, both congressional committees proceeded to consider bills in 1978 which would have dramatically overhauled the Intelligence Community. Following the suggestions of the Church Committee as well as incorporating various aspects of the Executive branch reforms, the Senate committee developed a comprehensive bill entitled the "National Intelligence Reorganization and Reform Act of 1978."</small> ''[https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/int022.html The Evolution of the U.S. Intelligence Community-An Historical Overview]'', Federation of American Scientists</ref>  The CIA director now must report to the permanent committee every 30 days on its ongoing activities.  The director must inform the committee of all covert operations, including if the CIA has killed anyone within the past 30 days, whether it be authorized by a [[Presidential Finding]]<ref>[https://fas.org/irp/eprint/snyder/covertaction.htm Covert Action: the Delicate Balance], Diane C. Snyder</ref> or for the purposes of maintaining operational security.
    
The committee also learned of [[Operation Mockingbird]], the extent of infiltration and control of American media and the press to influence American public opinion and perceptions about CIA activities.
 
The committee also learned of [[Operation Mockingbird]], the extent of infiltration and control of American media and the press to influence American public opinion and perceptions about CIA activities.
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