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| | ==Identity politics== | | ==Identity politics== |
| − | Herbert Marcuse and [[Saul Alinsky]] introduced a more pragmatic, but also more virulent form of Marxism into [[America]]n [[academia]], facilitated this self-destruction by creating a new "[[proletariat]]" of "victim groups," the bedrock of [[identity politics]], pitting one gender against another, one race against another, one age group against another. In 1965, Marcuse and Alinsky introduced the concept of "partisan tolerance" into political parlance, which has mutated into the deadly pathogen called "political correctness"—a tolerance for [[evil]] and a stigmatization and ultimate persecution of righteousness and God's Laws.<ref>https://www.cgg.org/index.cfm/fuseaction/Audio.details/ID/4939/Marxism-Academia-Origins-Political-Correctness.htm</ref> | + | Herbert Marcuse and [[Saul Alinsky]] introduced a more pragmatic, but also more virulent form of Marxism into [[academia| America academia]], facilitated this self-destruction by creating a new "[[proletariat]]" of "victim groups," the bedrock of [[identity politics]], pitting one gender against another, one race against another, one age group against another. In 1965, Marcuse and Alinsky introduced the concept of "partisan tolerance" into political parlance, which has mutated into the deadly pathogen called "political correctness"—a tolerance for [[evil]] and a stigmatization and ultimate persecution of righteousness and God's Laws.<ref>{{cite news |title= Commentary: Marxism in Academia: The Origins of Political Correctness |author=Maas, David F. |url = https://www.cgg.org/index.cfm/fuseaction/Audio.details/ID/4939/Marxism-Academia-Origins-Political-Correctness.htm}}</ref> |
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| − | According to Andrew Breitbart, unable to find a disgruntled proletariat, Marcuse found another dividing line that could be exploited to exacerbate social strife and dismantle societal structures—namely “victim groups,” the bedrock of [[identity politics]]. His primary thesis was that revolutionaries such as university students, ghetto blacks, the alienated, the asocial, and the [[third world]] could take the place of the proletariat. | + | According to Andrew Breitbart, unable to find a disgruntled proletariat, Marcuse found another dividing line that could be exploited to exacerbate social strife and dismantle societal structures—namely “victim groups,” the bedrock of [[identity politics]]. In ''An Essay on Liberation'', Marcuse's primary thesis was that potential revolutionaries such as university students, [[African Americans]], the ghetto populations, the alienated, the asocial, and the [[third world]] couldn't take the place of the proletariat, but were the "emergence of a new, spontaneous solidarity." <ref>{{cite book |author=Marcuse, Herbert |title=An Essay on Liberation |year=1969 |url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/marcuse/works/1969/essay-liberation.htm}}</ref> |
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| | Attempting to build a new proletariat to build a socialist [[revolution]] on, he preached that women are victimized by men. Creating a sense of exploitation, he stoked tension between white and nonwhite Americans, [[homosexual]] and [[heterosexual]], championing the downtrodden [[transgender]] population. Breitbart maintained that Marcuse’s mission was “to dismantle American society by using [[diversity]] and ‘[[multiculturalism]]’ as crowbars with which to pry the structure apart, piece by piece.” Marcuse and Alinsky continually incorporated the best weapons to effect the assault on the structures of American society, maximizing the tension between victim and oppressor. | | Attempting to build a new proletariat to build a socialist [[revolution]] on, he preached that women are victimized by men. Creating a sense of exploitation, he stoked tension between white and nonwhite Americans, [[homosexual]] and [[heterosexual]], championing the downtrodden [[transgender]] population. Breitbart maintained that Marcuse’s mission was “to dismantle American society by using [[diversity]] and ‘[[multiculturalism]]’ as crowbars with which to pry the structure apart, piece by piece.” Marcuse and Alinsky continually incorporated the best weapons to effect the assault on the structures of American society, maximizing the tension between victim and oppressor. |
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| | Marcuse realized that America is a nation uniquely unburdened by a class structure, at least in the way most European nations are defined along incredibly strict stratifications of class distinction, down to how one’s class can be identified almost immediately just by one’s accent. | | Marcuse realized that America is a nation uniquely unburdened by a class structure, at least in the way most European nations are defined along incredibly strict stratifications of class distinction, down to how one’s class can be identified almost immediately just by one’s accent. |
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| − | In America, the boundless upward mobility afforded by a [[republic]] based on the rights of the individual as opposed to the privileges of a special class, are how a prairie lawyer like Abraham Lincoln could become president, or how Barack Obama, the biracial son of a single mother, could do exactly the same thing. Fomenting a [[class war]] was clearly not going to work in a country where even the idea of class distinctions was frowned upon by the majority. Social strife was to be exacerbated so that established societal structures could be dismantled. Marcuse found another dividing line that could be exploited to exacerbate social strife and dismantle societal structures—“victim groups.”<ref>https://www.breitbart.com/politics/2019/10/28/exclusive-excerpt-sebastian-gorkas-the-war-for-americas-soul-the-plotters-and-their-plan-to-destroy-america/</ref> | + | In America, the boundless upward mobility afforded by a [[republic]] based on the rights of the individual as opposed to the privileges of a special class, are how a prairie lawyer like Abraham Lincoln could become president, or how Barack Obama, the biracial son of a single mother, could do exactly the same thing. Fomenting a [[class war]] was clearly not going to work in a country where even the idea of class distinctions was frowned upon by the majority. Social strife was to be exacerbated so that established societal structures could be dismantled. Marcuse found another dividing line that could be exploited to exacerbate social strife and dismantle societal structures—“victim groups.”<ref>{{cite book |title = Exclusive Excerpt–Sebastian Gorka’s ‘The War for America’s Soul’: The Plotters and Their Plan to Destroy America |author=Gorka, Sebastian |url=https://www.breitbart.com/politics/2019/10/28/exclusive-excerpt-sebastian-gorkas-the-war-for-americas-soul-the-plotters-and-their-plan-to-destroy-america/}}</ref> |
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| | He is infamous for promoting the false idea that the fascists and Nazis were sexual repressives and adhered to a strict moral code (when in reality, the Nazis actually were bohemians and sexual perverts). | | He is infamous for promoting the false idea that the fascists and Nazis were sexual repressives and adhered to a strict moral code (when in reality, the Nazis actually were bohemians and sexual perverts). |
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| − | Marcuse was denounced by Pope [[Paul VI]] for ''"theory that opens the way to license cloaked as liberty, and the aberration of instinct called liberation."''<ref>{{cite web |title=Marcuse as an Activist: Reminiscences of His Theory and Practice |author=George Katsiaficas |publisher=New Political Science |year=1996, Original lecture on 1 Nov 1991 at [[M.I.T.]]|url=https://www.marcuse.org/herbert/booksabout/90s/96KatasfiacasMARCUSE.pdf |accessdate=}}</ref> | + | Marcuse was denounced by Pope [[Paul VI]] for ''"theory that opens the way to license cloaked as liberty, and the aberration of instinct called liberation."''<ref>{{cite book |title=Marcuse as an Activist: Reminiscences of His Theory and Practice |author=George Katsiaficas |publisher=New Political Science |year=1996, Original lecture on 1 Nov 1991 at [[M.I.T.]]|url=https://www.marcuse.org/herbert/booksabout/90s/96KatasfiacasMARCUSE.pdf |accessdate=}}</ref> |
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| | == References == | | == References == |