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Line 534: − Nazi Anti-Jewish propaganda picked up greater speed in Arab Palestine since 1934, especially in boycotting Jews.<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/pls/1934/08/13/01/article/43 NAZI HAND SEEN IN HAIFA]. The Palestine Post, 13 August 1934.+ − <blockquote>+ − ANTI-JEWISH POSTERS.+ − (From Our Correspondent) Haifa , Sunday . — Evidence of Nazi propaganda and its penetration into Arab quarters is furnished in placards which have appeared on walls here urging Arabs to boycott cinema houses.+ − + − The Police have confiscated the posters.</blockquote></ref> At the same time, walls in Jerusalem and Haifa were placarded with the Arabic swastika posters.<ref>[https://www.jta.org/archive/arabs-use-swastika-in-fight-for-trade-of-jews-in-holy-land Arabs Use Swastika in Fight for Trade of Jews in Holy Land], JTA, Aug 14, 1934.+ − + − Arabic posters with the swastika prominently displayed and advocating a boycott of all Jewish stores have suddenly appeared in Arab shop windows in Jerusalem and Haifa. At the same time walls in the two cities were placarded with the Arabic swastika posters.+ − + + Line 550:
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Line 625: + + − In spring of 1934, extremist Arab nationalists intended to form the Palestinian Nazi Party, which aimed to fight Jews in coordination with the Nazi Party in Germany, in Israel, many swastikas began to appear on Arab homes and their cars.<ref>Misgav, Tel. Latrun Days: The story of the Latrun detention camps during the British Mandate 1941-1948. [Yemei Latrun: sipuram shel machnot hama'atzar bitkufat hamandat haBriti]. Ariav, 2007, [https://books.google.com/books?id=LlwwAQAAIAAJ&q=%D7%A6%D7%9C%D7%91%D7%99+%D7%A7%D7%A8%D7%A1+%D7%A2%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%99%D7%9D&dq=%D7%A6%D7%9C%D7%91%D7%99+%D7%A7%D7%A8%D7%A1+%D7%A2%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%99%D7%9D p. 27].<blockquote>In May 1934, the Jerusalem police learned that extremist Arab nationalists intended to form the Palestinian Nazi Party, which aimed to fight Jews in coordination with the Nazi Party in Germany. In Israel, many swastikas began to appear on Arab homes and their cars. At the end of 1935 the number of members of the Nazi party in Israel was two hundred and eighty.</blockquote></ref> Arab Palestinian students returning from studying in Europe were determined to found the Arab Nazi party in Palestine.<ref name=book-rosen-2005-p106/> − − In May 1934, local German Nazis in Haifa organized propaganda meeting with open Hitlerist propaganda. Foreign Germans come as "tourists" join in. The British authorities knows about it, but chooses to ignore.<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/dmt/1934/05/04/01/article/30/ Der Moment דער מאָמענט - May 4, 1934 -נאציס ארגאניזירען פאליטישע מיטינגען אין א"י] [Nazis organize political rallies in E"Y (Palestine)].</ref> − Colonel Josiah Wedgwood speaking out, on May 29, 1934 in the House of Commons:<ref>[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1934/may/29/palestine-loan-bill#S5CV0290P0_19340529_HOC_539 PALESTINE LOAN BILL. (Hansard, 29 May 1934).+ − + − Line 652:
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→Nazi era
'''Among highlights in 1934: rise in Nazi propaganda / symbolism while the ''Falastin'' rejects anti-Nazi propaganda. Al-Difa'a aggressive with propagating for Hitherists. Mrowa's statement to Ribbebtrop on 'the whole Arab youth.' Also, first reports of Arab-Nazi clubs'''
Already on Jan 31, 1934, an Arab was arrested for distributing Nazi leaflets in the French language in Haifa, saying it had been given to him by an officer of the S.S. "Smyrna," of the Deutsche Levant Line, which had loaded oranges for Germany. The title of the leaflet was "German Competition in Eastern Countries."<ref>[https://www.jta.org/archive/french-nazi-leaflets-in-haifa French Nazi Leaflets in Haifa], ''JTA'', January 31, 1934. [http://pdfs.jta.org/1934/1934-01-31_2756.pdf?_ga=2.93173277.1054853173.1688310590-1592395883.1688310589].
"Keep away from Jewish cinema houses which are contemptible," reads the Arabic announcement. "The Jews' gain is the Arabs' loss." To the right of the letter-press the Swastika appears.
<blockquote><small>
An Arab was arrested here today for distributing Nazi leaflets in the French language. He said it had been given him by an officer of the S.S. "Smyrna," of the Deutsche Levant Line, which had loaded oranges for Germany.
<blockquote>
The title of the leaflet is "German Competition in Eastern Countries." The charge is that the literature was smuggled through the Customs.</small></blockquote>
The anti-Jewish boycott movement, believed to be inspired by the Nazis, has as slogans: "The Jew's gain is the Arab's loss" and "Don’t go near Jewish shops."</blockquote></ref>
When in Jan 1934, Palestinian paper money was in circulation bearing anti-Nazi inscriptions such as "Boycott German goods" and "Do Not Buy Nazi Goods," the ''Falastin'' newspaper demanded government action to prevent this form of "propaganda."<ref>[https://www.jta.org/archive/palestine-paper-bears-anti-nazi-signs Palestine Paper Bears Anti-nazi Signs], ''JTA'', January 31, 1934. [http://pdfs.jta.org/1934/1934-01-31_2756.pdf?_ga=2.93173277.1054853173.1688310590-1592395883.1688310589].<blockquote><small>
Palestinian paper money is in circulation bearing inscriptions such as "Boycott German goods" and "Do Not Buy Nazi Goods," according to "Falastin," Arabic daily of this town. The paper demands government action to prevent this form of propaganda, being inspired, it is obvious, not from love of Haman so much as hatred of Mordecai.</small></blockquote></ref> On the other hand…
Soon, the swastika is seen more and more on Arab houses, on Arab cars, and even shoe polishers near the Jaffa Gate in Jerusalem adorned crates in this painting.<ref name=sb1971/>
Soon, the swastika is seen more and more on Arab houses, on Arab cars, and even shoe polishers near the Jaffa Gate in Jerusalem adorned crates in this painting.<ref name=sb1971/>
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
Berlin (JTA)—Official circles here are protesting against the use of the swastika, official Nazi emblem, printed on the wrappers of Palestine oranges intended for export to Germany...
Berlin (JTA)—Official circles here are protesting against the use of the swastika, official Nazi emblem, printed on the wrappers of Palestine oranges intended for export to Germany...
Oranges marked "Saint Elijah, Jaffa," were wrapped in paper bearing a picture of the "prophet" surrounded by swastikas.
Oranges marked "Saint Elijah, Jaffa," were wrapped in paper bearing a picture of the "prophet" surrounded by swastikas.
The wrappers were found to have been used by an Arab exporting firm.</blockquote></ref>
The wrappers were found to have been used by an Arab exporting firm.</blockquote></ref>
In March 1934, Arab Palestinian newspapers criticized procession in Tel Aviv. The <i>Falastin</i> especially came out in defense of Hitler who was mocked at the procession.<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/haretz/1934/03/08/01/article/28/ ha-Arets - הארץ, 8 March 1934].<blockquote>
In March 1934, Arab Palestinian newspapers criticized procession in Tel Aviv. The <i>Falastin</i> especially came out in defense of Hitler who was mocked at the procession.<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/haretz/1934/03/08/01/article/28/ ha-Arets - הארץ, 8 March 1934].<blockquote>
"פלשתין" להגנת היטלר.
"פלשתין" להגנת היטלר.
Falastin in Defense of Hitler.
Falastin in Defense of Hitler.
<i>'Falastin'</i> was apparently jealous of Al-Islamiyah and Al-Jama'ah, which published articles against the Adloyada procession in Tel Aviv. And published an article, in which he draws the government's attention to the cartoonish images that were in the Adloyada procession...</blockquote></ref>
<i>'Falastin'</i> was apparently jealous of Al-Islamiyah and Al-Jama'ah, which published articles against the Adloyada procession in Tel Aviv. And published an article, in which he draws the government's attention to the cartoonish images that were in the Adloyada procession...</blockquote></ref>
<font size=1>[In 1935, the German consul protested this protesting Purim procession to Jerusalem mayor who didn't hold back in replying. <ref>When Nazi Swastikas Were Paraded in Downtown Tel Aviv.
<font size=1>[In 1935, the German consul protested this protesting Purim procession to Jerusalem mayor who didn't hold back in replying. <ref>When Nazi Swastikas Were Paraded in Downtown Tel Aviv.
Tel Aviv's Purim parades between 1933 and 1935 evolved from joyous celebrations into full-on protests against Nazi Germany.
Tel Aviv's Purim parades between 1933 and 1935 evolved from joyous celebrations into full-on protests against Nazi Germany.
...The German Consulate heard of the stunt and sent a sharp letter of rebuke to Tel Aviv Mayor Meir Dizengoff, written in English. The Consul was most perturbed: [https://blog.nli.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/letter500.jpg]
...The German Consulate heard of the stunt and sent a sharp letter of rebuke to Tel Aviv Mayor Meir Dizengoff, written in English. The Consul was most perturbed: [https://blog.nli.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/letter500.jpg]
<i>
<i>
“Besides being of opinion that the person of a leading statesman on such an occasion should never be made the object of presentation whatever the intention might have been, I find myself in the necessity to protest most urgently against the tendencious [sic] manner in which Herr Hitler was publicly represented in this special case…I sincerely hope that they will think it right to apologize.”</i>
“Besides being of opinion that the person of a leading statesman on such an occasion should never be made the object of presentation whatever the intention might have been, I find myself in the necessity to protest most urgently against the tendencious [sic] manner in which Herr Hitler was publicly represented in this special case…I sincerely hope that they will think it right to apologize.”</i>
The letter sent to Mayor Dizengoff, the Tel Aviv Municipality Archives
The letter sent to Mayor Dizengoff, the Tel Aviv Municipality Archives
Dizengoff refused to apologize, responding:
Dizengoff refused to apologize, responding:
<i>"It is clear that this display is nothing but a spontaneous reaction reflecting a public view that is unwilling to accept the fate of the Jews of Germany. In fact, one wonders why the protest was not even sharper…"</i>
<i>"It is clear that this display is nothing but a spontaneous reaction reflecting a public view that is unwilling to accept the fate of the Jews of Germany. In fact, one wonders why the protest was not even sharper…"</i>
The truth is, there was room to doubt the "spontaneous" nature of the exhibit, as it had been pre-approved by the municipality, which even rewarded the designers with a cash prize.
The truth is, there was room to doubt the "spontaneous" nature of the exhibit, as it had been pre-approved by the municipality, which even rewarded the designers with a cash prize.
The Hitler exhibit won sixth place and a cash prize of two Palestine Pounds, according to a Hebrew report in Davar, March 17th, 1933.
The Hitler exhibit won sixth place and a cash prize of two Palestine Pounds, according to a Hebrew report in Davar, March 17th, 1933.
By 1934, fear of the Nazis was even more grounded in reality. Hitler was consolidating his power, and anti-Jewish measures were on the rise. That year’s Purim parade in Tel Aviv was marked by full-on protests against the Nazis, featuring clear demands to boycott German goods and stand up to the National-Socialist party.
By 1934, fear of the Nazis was even more grounded in reality. Hitler was consolidating his power, and anti-Jewish measures were on the rise. That year’s Purim parade in Tel Aviv was marked by full-on protests against the Nazis, featuring clear demands to boycott German goods and stand up to the National-Socialist party.
This time around, the main attraction was a massive three-headed, swastika-emblazoned dragon, with an effigy of Hitler mounted on its back.</font></blockquote></ref>]</font>
This time around, the main attraction was a massive three-headed, swastika-emblazoned dragon, with an effigy of Hitler mounted on its back.</font></blockquote></ref>]</font>
Reported in April 1934, with the radical change after Hitler's ascend to power and propaganda infiltration, affecting feelings towards Jews by the Templars, there is also Hitlerite propaganda by the Germans among the Arabs. And there is: 'a '''Nazi organization among the Arab youth''', which is led by the German Hitlerites in the country.'<ref>Batog – באטאג, 10 April 1934.
Reported in April 1934, with the radical change after Hitler's ascend to power and propaganda infiltration, affecting feelings towards Jews by the Templars, there is also Hitlerite propaganda by the Germans among the Arabs. And there is: 'a '''Nazi organization among the Arab youth''', which is led by the German Hitlerites in the country.'<ref>Batog – באטאג, 10 April 1934.
[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/bato/1934/04/10/01/article/14].
[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/bato/1934/04/10/01/article/14].
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
<small>
<font size=1>
Hitler agitation in Palestine. Formed in E.Y. a center for Hitlerist propaganda in the Near East.
Hitler agitation in Palestine. Formed in E.Y. a center for Hitlerist propaganda in the Near East.
A Palestinian correspondent of Jewish newspapers abroad writes:
A Palestinian correspondent of Jewish newspapers abroad writes:
לעצטנס װערט אויך מֿיט יעדער דייטשער שיף, װאָס קומט אָן קיין יפוֹ אָדער חיפה, אַריינגעפֿירט ליטעראַטור, װעלכע ווערט דערנאָך פאַרשפּרײיט צווישן די אַראַבער אין לֿאַנד.
לעצטנס װערט אויך מֿיט יעדער דייטשער שיף, װאָס קומט אָן קיין יפוֹ אָדער חיפה, אַריינגעפֿירט ליטעראַטור, װעלכע ווערט דערנאָך פאַרשפּרײיט צווישן די אַראַבער אין לֿאַנד.
די סכנה פון היטלעריסטן אין ארץ ישראל איז נאָך לעת עתה נישט גרויס, אָבֿער רער אידישער ישוב מוז שׁוין באצייטנס אָנהױיבן טראַכטן, װי אַזױ צו באַקעמפן די חברה-לייט.
די סכנה פון היטלעריסטן אין ארץ ישראל איז נאָך לעת עתה נישט גרויס, אָבֿער רער אידישער ישוב מוז שׁוין באצייטנס אָנהױיבן טראַכטן, װי אַזױ צו באַקעמפן די חברה-לייט.
</small></blockquote></ref>
</font></blockquote></ref>
JERUSALEM (JTA)—The secret behind the mysterious visit here last April of Dr. Wilhelm F. Frick, Nazi Minister of the Interior, has at last come to light. The Arab press has suddenly begun to print articles propagandizing the Nazi regime and crusading against the Jews. When Frick was here the story was that he had come on his honeymoon, but it now appears that his actual purpose had been the organization of anti-Semitic propaganda. Arab newspapers in Beirut and Bagdad are printing translations of Hitler’s autobiography, "Mein Kampf." In Palestine several Arabian newspapers have begun an intensive campaign to spread anti-Jewish propaganda and praise for Hitler. This open incitement in the Egyptian and Palestinian press recalls the fact that a number of Egyptian newspaper have for some time been subsidized by the Nazis. This sub-Arabian the Nazis. This subsidy has now been extended to the Arabian press in other countries as well. From well-informed circles the Jewish Telegraphic Agency learns that a well-organized office has been set up in Cairo for the purpose of spreading anti-Jewish propaganda.</small></blockquote></ref>
JERUSALEM (JTA)—The secret behind the mysterious visit here last April of Dr. Wilhelm F. Frick, Nazi Minister of the Interior, has at last come to light. The Arab press has suddenly begun to print articles propagandizing the Nazi regime and crusading against the Jews. When Frick was here the story was that he had come on his honeymoon, but it now appears that his actual purpose had been the organization of anti-Semitic propaganda. Arab newspapers in Beirut and Bagdad are printing translations of Hitler’s autobiography, "Mein Kampf." In Palestine several Arabian newspapers have begun an intensive campaign to spread anti-Jewish propaganda and praise for Hitler. This open incitement in the Egyptian and Palestinian press recalls the fact that a number of Egyptian newspaper have for some time been subsidized by the Nazis. This sub-Arabian the Nazis. This subsidy has now been extended to the Arabian press in other countries as well. From well-informed circles the Jewish Telegraphic Agency learns that a well-organized office has been set up in Cairo for the purpose of spreading anti-Jewish propaganda.</small></blockquote></ref>
In spring of 1934, extremist Arab nationalists intended to form the Palestinian Nazi Party, which aimed to fight Jews in coordination with the Nazi Party in Germany, in Israel, many swastikas began to appear on Arab homes and their cars.<ref>Misgav, Tel. Latrun Days: The story of the Latrun detention camps during the British Mandate 1941-1948. [Yemei Latrun: sipuram shel machnot hama'atzar bitkufat hamandat haBriti]. Ariav, 2007, [https://books.google.com/books?id=LlwwAQAAIAAJ&q=%D7%A6%D7%9C%D7%91%D7%99+%D7%A7%D7%A8%D7%A1+%D7%A2%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%99%D7%9D&dq=%D7%A6%D7%9C%D7%91%D7%99+%D7%A7%D7%A8%D7%A1+%D7%A2%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%99%D7%9D p. 27].<blockquote>In May 1934, the Jerusalem police learned that extremist Arab nationalists intended to form the Palestinian Nazi Party, which aimed to fight Jews in coordination with the Nazi Party in Germany. In Israel, many swastikas began to appear on Arab homes and their cars. At the end of 1935 the number of members of the Nazi party in Israel was two hundred and eighty.</blockquote></ref> Palestinian Arab students returning from studying in Europe were determined to found the Arab Nazi party in Palestine.<ref name=book-rosen-2005-p106/>
In May 1934, local German Nazis in Haifa organized propaganda meeting with open Hitlerist propaganda. Foreign Germans come as "tourists" join in. The British authorities knows about it, but chooses to ignore.<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/dmt/1934/05/04/01/article/30/ Der Momentדער מאָמענט,4 - May 1934 -נאציס ארגאניזירען פאליטישע מיטינגען אין א"י ] [Nazis organize political rallies in E"Y (Palestine)].</ref>
[[File:Colonel Josiah Wedgwood on pro-Nazism in Palestine. May 29, 1934.jpg|thumb|Colonel Josiah Wedgwood on pro-Nazism in Palestine. May 29, 1934]]
[[File:Colonel Josiah Wedgwood on pro-Nazism in Palestine. May 29, 1934.jpg|thumb|Colonel Josiah Wedgwood on pro-Nazism in Palestine. May 29, 1934]]
Colonel Josiah Wedgwood speaking out, on May 29, 1934 in the House of Commons:<ref>[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1934/may/29/palestine-loan-bill#S5CV0290P0_19340529_HOC_539 PALESTINE LOAN BILL. (Hansard, 29 May 1934).
Parliamentary Debates (Hansard).: House of Commons Official report. (1934). United Kingdom: H.M. Stationery Office, [https://books.google.com/books?id=0b4tAAAAYAAJ&q=%22Mein%20Kampf%E2%80%9D p. 115].<blockquote><small>I must give one other illustration—from Transjordan. The Amir wants to have the Jews there, and the Jews want to go there, but the Government will not let them go because, they say, it is not safe for the Jews in Transjordan. I think they might have invented a better excuse than that. In what country is it safe for the Jews if you take that line of argument? It is not safe for them on Clap-ham Common. It is safe enough for the English, and the whole world is safe for us. Why? Because we can hit back. We have made the world safe for the English, not by police, not by armies, but by arming the people themselves. The worst thing we have ever done in Palestine, worse even than our emigration distinctions, was when the Jews were being massacred and we, at the request of the Grand Mufti, almost at his orders, lined the Jews all up and disarmed them because they were Jews. That is the sort of thing which people remember. It was not under this Government, it is true, but you cannot expect that anybody in that country will look for justice or hope for better things as long as you have that spirit ruling there. I sometimes think that the feeling has now become pro-Nazi. Hitler's "Mein Kampf" goes to Palestine, and is sold freely. The whole book is a denunciation of the Jew—all lies and abuse. At the same time there is a book published in this country called "The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror." When that got out to Palestine it was banned. It is allowed in this country, but there it is legal to abuse the Jews but not legal to abuse the abusers. Then they were visited by Herr Frick. He stands among the half-dozen best Jew-baiters in the world. He goes to Palestine by the permission of this Government and sees everybody there. I wonder if he paid £60 as a tourist before he was allowed into that country.</small></blockquote></ref>
Parliamentary Debates (Hansard).: House of Commons Official report. (1934). United Kingdom: H.M. Stationery Office, [https://books.google.com/books?id=0b4tAAAAYAAJ&q=%22Mein%20Kampf%E2%80%9D p. 115].<blockquote><small>I must give one other illustration—from Transjordan. The Amir wants to have the Jews there, and the Jews want to go there, but the Government will not let them go because, they say, it is not safe for the Jews in Transjordan. I think they might have invented a better excuse than that. In what country is it safe for the Jews if you take that line of argument? It is not safe for them on Clap-ham Common. It is safe enough for the English, and the whole world is safe for us. Why? Because we can hit back. We have made the world safe for the English, not by police, not by armies, but by arming the people themselves. The worst thing we have ever done in Palestine, worse even than our emigration distinctions, was when the Jews were being massacred and we, at the request of the Grand Mufti, almost at his orders, lined the Jews all up and disarmed them because they were Jews. That is the sort of thing which people remember. It was not under this Government, it is true, but you cannot expect that anybody in that country will look for justice or hope for better things as long as you have that spirit ruling there. I sometimes think that the feeling has now become pro-Nazi. Hitler's "Mein Kampf" goes to Palestine, and is sold freely. The whole book is a denunciation of the Jew—all lies and abuse. At the same time there is a book published in this country called "The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror." When that got out to Palestine it was banned. It is allowed in this country, but there it is legal to abuse the Jews but not legal to abuse the abusers. Then they were visited by Herr Frick. He stands among the half-dozen best Jew-baiters in the world. He goes to Palestine by the permission of this Government and sees everybody there. I wonder if he paid £60 as a tourist before he was allowed into that country.</small></blockquote></ref>
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
We have made the world safe for the English, not by police, not by armies, but by arming the people themselves. The worst thing we have ever done in Palestine, worse even than our emigration distinctions, was when the Jews were being massacred and we, at the request of the Grand Mufti, almost at his orders, lined the Jews all up and disarmed them because they were Jews. That is the sort of thing which people remember. It was not under this Government, it is true, but you cannot expect that anybody in that country will look for justice or hope for better things as long as you have that spirit ruling there. I sometimes think that the feeling has now become pro-Nazi. Hitler's "Mein Kampf" goes to Palestine, and is sold freely. The whole book is a denunciation of the Jew—all lies and abuse. At the same time there is a book published in this country called "The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror." When that got out to Palestine it was banned. It is allowed in this country, but there it is legal to abuse the Jews but not legal to abuse the abusers.</blockquote>
We have made the world safe for the English, not by police, not by armies, but by arming the people themselves. The worst thing we have ever done in Palestine, worse even than our emigration distinctions, was when the Jews were being massacred and we, at the request of the Grand Mufti, almost at his orders, lined the Jews all up and disarmed them because they were Jews. That is the sort of thing which people remember. It was not under this Government, it is true, but you cannot expect that anybody in that country will look for justice or hope for better things as long as you have that spirit ruling there. I sometimes think that the feeling has now become pro-Nazi. Hitler's "Mein Kampf" goes to Palestine, and is sold freely. The whole book is a denunciation of the Jew—all lies and abuse. At the same time there is a book published in this country called "The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror." When that got out to Palestine it was banned. It is allowed in this country, but there it is legal to abuse the Jews but not legal to abuse the abusers.</blockquote>
On June 8, 1934, the ''Mukkattam'' (Al-Muqattam) [المقطم], Arab daily, reported that a Palestine Arab Nazi youth organization has been formed with a three-point movement hostile to the Jews.
On June 8, 1934, the ''Mukkattam'' (Al-Muqattam) [المقطم], Arab daily, reported that a Palestine Arab Nazi youth organization has been formed with a three-point movement hostile to the Jews.
The Arab Nazi program calls for the development in Palestine of a movement similar to German Nazism; a determined fight against Zionism and the maintaining of friendly contacts with Germany.</blockquote></ref>
The Arab Nazi program calls for the development in Palestine of a movement similar to German Nazism; a determined fight against Zionism and the maintaining of friendly contacts with Germany.</blockquote></ref>
Nazi Anti-Jewish propaganda picked up greater speed in Arab Palestine since 1934 especially in boycotting Jews.<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/pls/1934/08/13/01/article/43 NAZI HAND SEEN IN HAIFA]. The Palestine Post, 13 August 1934.
<blockquote>
ANTI-JEWISH POSTERS.
(From Our Correspondent) Haifa , Sunday . — Evidence of Nazi propaganda and its penetration into Arab quarters is furnished in placards which have appeared on walls here urging Arabs to boycott cinema houses.
"Keep away from Jewish cinema houses which are contemptible," reads the Arabic announcement. "The Jews' gain is the Arabs' loss." To the right of the letter-press the Swastika appears.
The Police have confiscated the posters.</blockquote></ref> At the same time, walls in Jerusalem and Haifa were placarded with the Arabic swastika posters.<ref>[https://www.jta.org/archive/arabs-use-swastika-in-fight-for-trade-of-jews-in-holy-land Arabs Use Swastika in Fight for Trade of Jews in Holy Land], JTA, Aug 14, 1934.
<blockquote>
Arabic posters with the swastika prominently displayed and advocating a boycott of all Jewish stores have suddenly appeared in Arab shop windows in Jerusalem and Haifa. At the same time walls in the two cities were placarded with the Arabic swastika posters.
The anti-Jewish boycott movement, believed to be inspired by the Nazis, has as slogans: "The Jew's gain is the Arab's loss" and "Don’t go near Jewish shops."</blockquote></ref>
From a Sept 1934 report:<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/pls/1934/09/17/01/article/27/ The Palestine Post, 17 September 1934].<br>News in Brief</ref><blockquote>
From a Sept 1934 report:<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/pls/1934/09/17/01/article/27/ The Palestine Post, 17 September 1934].<br>News in Brief</ref><blockquote>
An Apr 25, 1935 report tells about Nazi propaganda popping up that began in 1934:<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/cgs/1935/04/25/01/article/54 GERMAN ANTI-JEWISH PROPAGANDA IS CONDUCTED IN PALESTINE], ''The Sentinel'', 25 April 1935; [https://gahistoricnewspapers.galileo.usg.edu/lccn/sn78003973/1935-04-26/ed-1/seq-2/ The Southern Israelite. (Augusta, Ga.) 1925-1986, April 26, 1935, Image 2 « Georgia Historic Newspapers].
An Apr 25, 1935 report:<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/cgs/1935/04/25/01/article/54 GERMAN ANTI-JEWISH PROPAGANDA IS CONDUCTED IN PALESTINE], ''The Sentinel'', 25 April 1935; [https://gahistoricnewspapers.galileo.usg.edu/lccn/sn78003973/1935-04-26/ed-1/seq-2/ The Southern Israelite. (Augusta, Ga.) 1925-1986, April 26, 1935, Image 2 « Georgia Historic Newspapers].
<blockquote><small>From time to time, anti-Jewish slogans written in Arabic and German, and embellished with the swastika, appear on vacant walls and boardings in different Palestine towns, enjoining a boycott of Jewish goods and enterprises… According to well-informed local quarters , the origin of these throwaways is in a central Nazi propaganda ascent for Palestine who, it is believed, works through Arab Fascists. An attempt at Fascism was started some eighteen months ago as the only hope of Arab salvation in the present state of the Arab nationalist cause, as one young leader said. The object was to introduce an ultra-nationalistic spirit among the Arab youth. But it was more closely modelled on the National-Socialist brand of Fascism than the Italian, because the German politics embodied anti-Semitism as the central motive.</small></blockquote></ref> <blockquote>
<blockquote><small>From time to time, anti-Jewish slogans written in Arabic and German, and embellished with the swastika, appear on vacant walls and boardings in different Palestine towns, enjoining a boycott of Jewish goods and enterprises… According to well-informed local quarters , the origin of these throwaways is in a central Nazi propaganda ascent for Palestine who, it is believed, works through Arab Fascists. An attempt at Fascism was started some eighteen months ago as the only hope of Arab salvation in the present state of the Arab nationalist cause, as one young leader said. The object was to introduce an ultra-nationalistic spirit among the Arab youth. But it was more closely modelled on the National-Socialist brand of Fascism than the Italian, because the German politics embodied anti-Semitism as the central motive.</small></blockquote></ref> <blockquote>
From time to time, anti-Jewish slogans written in Arabic and German, and embellished with the swastika, appear on vacant walls and boardings in different Palestine towns, enjoining a boycott of Jewish goods and enterprises. Their effect has been nil except to leave a great deal of annoyance among young and ardent Jews, who endeavor to trace the perpetrators of such nuisances. According to well-informed local quarters, the origin of these throwaways is in a central Nazi propaganda agent for Pales tine who it is believed, works through Arab Fascists.
From time to time, anti-Jewish slogans written in Arabic and German, and embellished with the swastika, appear on vacant walls and boardings in different Palestine towns, enjoining a boycott of Jewish goods and enterprises. Their effect has been nil except to leave a great deal of annoyance among young and ardent Jews, who endeavor to trace the perpetrators of such nuisances. According to well-informed local quarters, the origin of these throwaways is in a central Nazi propaganda agent for Pales tine who it is believed, works through Arab Fascists.
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
'The German Jews are rich industrials and they will be the first, who will take the land from our hands.'
'The German Jews are rich industrials and they will be the first, who will take the land from our hands.'
Arab newspapers in Palestine covered all aspects of Nazi rule in Germany. Articles on Hitler were driven by curiosity about his character and often exhibited a blatant sympathy during the 1930s...
Arab newspapers in Palestine covered all aspects of Nazi rule in Germany. Articles on Hitler were driven by curiosity about his character and often exhibited a blatant sympathy during the 1930s. Often, parallels were drawn between Germany after the Treaty of Versailles and the Arab Palestinians under the mandate...
As early as 1934, the newspaper warned, "Europe will see no peace if it will not keep distance from the spirit of the swastika [ruh al-swastika] that dominates Germany today. . . . [Hitlerism] is an ideology full of disrespect of all peoples; it glorifies the German.."</blockquote></ref>
As early as 1934, the newspaper warned, "Europe will see no peace if it will not keep distance from the spirit of the swastika [ruh al-swastika] that dominates Germany today. . . . [Hitlerism] is an ideology full of disrespect of all peoples; it glorifies the German.."</blockquote></ref>
The Arab newspaper "Felestin," controlled by the Jerusalem Grand Mufti, made a sensational onslaught on American newspapers yesterday, singling out the "New York Times." … Of his interview with Mr. Van Paassen, the Mufti wrote in the English edition of the "Felestin" that it was merely an informal talk.
The Arab newspaper "Felestin," controlled by the Jerusalem Grand Mufti, made a sensational onslaught on American newspapers yesterday, singling out the "New York Times." … Of his interview with Mr. Van Paassen, the Mufti wrote in the English edition of the "Felestin" that it was merely an informal talk.
Mr. Van Paassen stated before his departure that when he called on the Mufti for the interview, the head of the Moslem Supreme Council offered him inducements, including women, if he would take the Mufti’s side and color the news according to his personal views and ambitions.</font></blockquote></ref>]</font>
Mr. Van Paassen stated before his departure that when he called on the Mufti for the interview, the head of the Moslem Supreme Council offered him inducements, including women, if he would take the Mufti’s side and color the news according to his personal views and ambitions.</font></blockquote></ref>]</font>
'''Among highlights in 1935: Futuwwa modeled on HitlerYouth, Haifa swastika train, the Templars' bulletin reports on massive pro fascism and pro Nazism with anti-Jewish attitudes'''
A total of 9,000 Arabs enlisted in the British Army here. Among them are many from across the Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, who came to the recruitment bureaus in Palestine. Many of them enlisted with the intention of acquiring weapons for themselves: indeed, by the end of the war only about half of the Arab soldiers remained, as the rest defected with their weapons from the army.
A total of 9,000 Arabs enlisted in the British Army here. Among them are many from across the Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, who came to the recruitment bureaus in Palestine. Many of them enlisted with the intention of acquiring weapons for themselves: indeed, by the end of the war only about half of the Arab soldiers remained, as the rest defected with their weapons from the army.
Arab leaders who moved to Germany, led by Haj Amin al-Husseini, a former Mufti of Jerusalem, incited on German radio the Arabs to defect from the British army.
Arab leaders who moved to Germany, led by Haj Amin al-Husseini, a former Mufti of Jerusalem, incited on German radio the Arabs to defect from the British army.
Amin al-Husseini actively assisted in the establishment of Arab and Muslim battalions in the German army. It was only after the Allied victory over Al-Alamein that it became clear to the Arab statesmen that their orientation on the Axis victory in the war had disappointed, and then they changed their position and declared their full support for the Allies.<br>
Amin al-Husseini actively assisted in the establishment of Arab and Muslim battalions in the German army. It was only after the Allied victory over Al-Alamein that it became clear to the Arab statesmen that their orientation on the Axis victory in the war had disappointed, and then they changed their position and declared their full support for the Allies.
Following this turning point, many Arab prisoners were released, who were imprisoned by the British, including organizers of riots in Palestine, and given permission to return to their homeland. Here they once again stood at the head of the Arab parties, even though they signed a letter of commitment not to be active in life ...</blockquote></ref> Author Yoni Rainey, in <ref>B. D. Yemini, [https://www.ynetnews.com/article/s1bpi7cl5 Nakba was result of "Palestinians" backing Nazis during WWII], ''YNet'', May 15, 2022.<blockquote>
Following this turning point, many Arab prisoners were released, who were imprisoned by the British, including organizers of riots in Palestine, and given permission to return to their homeland. Here they once again stood at the head of the Arab parties, even though they signed a letter of commitment not to be active in life ...</blockquote></ref> Worth mentioning, Major Lyall Wilkes of the House of Commons quoted the British officer who led the Arab Legion of Transjordan, General Glubb Pasha, as writing in 1944 that all the Arabs trained by the British deserted during World War II. Wilkes stated, the British recognized during the war that the Haganah was the only force the allies could rely on.<ref>"The British and Mr. Bevin," CIA, May 25, 1948;
[https://books.google.com/books?id=Rh8pETUE8NQC&pg=SL1-PA3450 Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the ... Congress, Vol. 94, Pt. 11. United States Government Printing Office, 1948, p. 3450].
<blockquote><small>Britain's Conduct.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 1, 1948.
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the RECORD, I include a reprint of a letter addressed to the editor of the London Times by Hon. Lyall Wilkes, which appeared in the New York Post on May 28, 1948:
BRITAIN'S CONDUCT AS REVIEWED BY THE EMINENT ENGLISHMAN LYALL WILKES, MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, IN HIS LETTER TO THE EDITOR OF THE LONDON TIMES, ON MAY 22, 1948
To the EDITOR OF THE LONDON TIMES:
SIR: Maj. Gen. Sir Edward Spears, in stating that Zionism has endangered British bases in the Mediterranean and represents a threat to British strategic interests, surely conveniently forgets not only that many of the present Arab political and military leaders, including Fawzi El Kawukji and the Mufti, either spent the war in Germany working for Hitler or had to be interned by us, but forgets also what happened in the Middle East between 1989 and 1945.
In 1944 Brigadier Glubb (now leading the Arab Legion in its assault against Jerusalem, and no pro-Zionist surely), writing when the Arab war effort was still close enough to defy even Foreign Office attempts to romanticize it, said:
"At the time of these operations every Arab was perfectly convinced that Britain was finished forever and that it could only be a question of weeks before Germany took over Arabia. The Iraqis were perfectly sure of this or they would not have declared war on us - - in brief, during the 6 weeks before the fall of Baghdad every Arab was convinced that we were done for. Every Arab force previonsly organized by us mutinied and refused to fight for us or faded away in desertion. (Pp. 214-215 of Somerset de Chair's The Golden Carpet.)
No doubt when Glubb wrote this he would remember (what General Spears has forgotten) that, although the Jewish population in Palestine was only half that of the Arab, more than twice the number of Jews volunteered for service to protect our Mediterranean position; and that at the time when the Iraqis declared war against us, and British tanks had to be driven into the Abdin Palace yard to compel King Farouk's consent to the appointment of a pro-British Government under Nahas Pasha, Haganah men were being dropped as British agents in enemy territory, that Haganah was recognized by GHQ as the one reliable local defense force and Palestine the one base whose loyalty was never in doubt for a moment.
And what now? No doubt if British officers and British-supplied tanks and airplanes continue the destruction of Jewish settlements and life, we shall earn the bitter hatred of the Jews of Palestine. Is that surprising-a symptom of Zionist original sin? It is a policy of choice for the British Government which will determine whether Israel becomes once more an ally, as in the war, or an enemy beleaguered by British arms and equipment who must look elsewhere for aid for sheer survival. And may I say that our attitude that Israel must show itself capable of functioning before being recognized by us-would sound more honest if it were not troops trained and equipped by British military missions and the British officered and subsidized Arab Legion, which were at war with Israel to prevent precisely that functioning?
Does public opinion at home appreciate (as it does abroad) that every tank and airplane now being used by the Arabs has been supplied from the United Kingdom; that the British air mission is still functioning in Iraq; that British missions are now working, training, and reequipping Arab armies in Saudi Arabia and Iraq; that between 1945 and 1947 we supplied Egypt alone with 40 military aircraft, 38 scout cars, and 298 carriers, apart from a great quantity of small arms and light equipment; that the Arab Legion now waging war is wholly subsidized by us with £2,000,000 a year and is commanded by 38 British officers; that Transjordan under the March 1948 treaty is bound to "undertake not to adopt in regard to foreign countries an attitude which is inconsistent with the alliance or might create difficulties for the other party thereto"; that no word of protest has come from the British Government at the Arab invasions, but that the Jews within the boundaries given them by the United Nations partition decision (which still stands) are denied arms by the British?
Finally, the foreign office viewpoint conveyed by your diplomatic correspondent on May 20 that "it should not be assumed that Transjordan is acting as an aggressor until it can be shown that she has acted aggressively towards another State" (obviously meaning a State recognized by us) smacks a little too much of the legalistic chicanery of the thirties which reduced Japan's war on Manchuria to the status of an incident and in so doing destroyed the League of Nations. Will we never learn that we cannot subsidize aggression in the Middle East and oppose it in Greece or Persia, that to climb now into the grandstand and attempt to wash our hands of responsibility for the slaughter perpetrated by our Spitfires and British trained and officered Arab troops is conduct utterly unworthy of the traditions of a great nation and indicates a moral degeneration within the political leadership of this country far more alarming than any signs of a merely materialistic or economic decline?
I am, sir, yours, etc.,
LYALL WILKES.
House of Commons, May 20. (Presented as a Public Service by International Latex Corp., Playtex Park, Dover, Dela.)
("You and every man in business are trustees of this Nation and the world.")
Mr. Speaker, I commend this letter specifically to the attention of the gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. RANKIN] so that during the course of his threatened investigation of the International Latex Corp. he does not overlook the fact that English sentiment is also overwhelmingly against Britain's misconduct with reference to the state of Israel.</small></blockquote></ref>
Author Yoni Rainey, in <ref>B. D. Yemini, [https://www.ynetnews.com/article/s1bpi7cl5 Nakba was result of "Palestinians" backing Nazis during WWII], ''YNet'', May 15, 2022.<blockquote>
... does the fact that thousands of Palestinian Arabs enlisted to the British Army proves that only a tiny minority of Palestinian backed the Nazis? Israeli researcher and author Yoni Rainey claims it doesn't.
... does the fact that thousands of Palestinian Arabs enlisted to the British Army proves that only a tiny minority of Palestinian backed the Nazis? Israeli researcher and author Yoni Rainey claims it doesn't.
In his books - "Closed Case" and "The Hidden Side of Nazism and the Holocaust" - he claims that about 9,000 Palestinian and Jordanian Arabs did enlist to the British Army during the war (in comparison with about 27,000 Jews). But, from the moment it became evident the Germans may pass through Egypt and reach Palestine in spring 1942, Palestinian Arabs switched sides.
In his books - "Closed Case" and "The Hidden Side of Nazism and the Holocaust" - he claims that about 9,000 Palestinian and Jordanian Arabs did enlist to the British Army during the war (in comparison with about 27,000 Jews). But, from the moment it became evident the Germans may pass through Egypt and reach Palestine in spring 1942, Palestinian Arabs switched sides.
Rasem Khalidi, member of a well-known Jerusalem family and a former Palestine Government official, has been one of the closest collaborators of the Husseini family, and particularly of the Mufti. In 1936. at the outbreak of the Axis-sponsored Palestinian Arab uprisings, he was a member of the most intimate inner circle of Haj Amin el-Husseini.
Rasem Khalidi, member of a well-known Jerusalem family and a former Palestine Government official, has been one of the closest collaborators of the Husseini family, and particularly of the Mufti. In 1936. at the outbreak of the Axis-sponsored Palestinian Arab uprisings, he was a member of the most intimate inner circle of Haj Amin el-Husseini.
In 1937, after the dissolution of the Arab Higher Committee, he was a member of an underground committee which directed Arab terrorism in Palestine. After his arrest in 1938, he fled to Syria and then to Iraq, where he joined the Mufti in organizing the Iraqi rebellion of 1941. After its failure he fled to Ankara and thence to Italy and Germany. In the midst of the war, in 1943, he served as an announcer on the Axis-Arabic radio station in Athens. Since 1944 he has been a member of the Mufti's personal entourage, first in Berlin and later in Paris. In July 1945, he returned to Egypt and in November 1946 was included in the Palestine Government's amnesty. Although permitted to return to Palestine, he preferred to remain in Egypt. Most recently, the United States Consul refused to grant him a visa to the United States because of his activities in Nazi Germany.</blockquote></ref> helped [[Hitler]] at least from 1941 on.
In 1937, after the dissolution of the Arab Higher Committee, he was a member of an underground committee which directed Arab terrorism in Palestine. After his arrest in 1938, he fled to Syria and then to Iraq, where he joined the Mufti in organizing the Iraqi rebellion of 1941. After its failure he fled to Ankara and thence to Italy and Germany. In the midst of the war, in 1943, he served as an announcer on the Axis-Arabic radio station in Athens. Since 1944 he has been a member of the Mufti's personal entourage, first in Berlin and later in Paris. In July 1945, he returned to Egypt and in November 1946 was included in the Palestine Government's amnesty. Although permitted to return to Palestine, he preferred to remain in Egypt. Most recently, the United States Consul refused to grant him a visa to the United States because of his activities in Nazi Germany.</blockquote></ref> Arif Abd al-Raziq,<ref>Lyn Julius, "[https://jewishjournal.org/2018/02/08/arab-anti-semitism-and-the-nazis/ Arab anti-Semitism, and the Nazis]," Jewish Journal, February 8, 2018.<blockquote><small>Although he was not the only collaborator with Nazism – Fawzi al-Qawuqji, Rashid Ali al-Kelani, Abu Ibrahim al-Kabir, Hassan Salama and Arif Abd al-Raziq spring to mind – the role played by Palestinian leader and Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin al-Husseini in fomenting anti-Jewish incitement and violence, not just in British Palestine but across the Arab world, is key. From 1931, he conflated "Zionists" with "Jews." Any Jewish community became fair game for collective punishment – and still is.</small></blockquote></ref><ref name=hag1954>The Haganah History Book. Israel: The Zionist Library, 1954, pp. 107-109. [https://books.google.com/books?id=QZoaAAAAIAAJ&q=%D7%A2%D7%91%D7%93%20%D7%90%D7%9C-%D7%A8%D7%96%D7%90%D7%A7%20%D7%9E%D7%98%D7%99%D7%99%D7%91%D7%94%20%D7%95%D7%97%D7%A1%D7%9F%20%D7%A1%D7%9C%D7%90%D7%9E%D7%94].<blockquote><small>
In the days of Rashid-Ali
... From the mufti's letters, which were found in the archives of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we learn that as early as June 1940 he turned to the German ambassador in Constantinople von Papen and asked for Germany's help in the Arab matter as a whole, and in a letter to Hitler about half a year later he asked, among other things, for help to the Arabs in order to destroy the Zionist goals "Because this will cause the Jews - especially those in the United States - to see that their soul's desire has been placed in God, their hands will loosen and they will have the desire to help Britain."
In the summer of 1940, the mufti proposed a comprehensive plan to the German consul in Baghdad of an engagement between the pro-German Arab elements in all Arab countries and the Germans, including a "general revolt in the West of the Jordan and in the Land of Israel", in which approximately 10,000 people will take part. The rebellion will be organized in Syria. The Italians were asked to hand over to the rebels some of the weapons that came to them after the surrender of the French army in Syria. The Mufti also asked the Axis countries for financial support in the amount of 20,000 gold pounds. This rebellion would attract about 40,000 British soldiers in the Land of Israel, prevent the arrival of British reinforcements by land from India and ease the situation of the Italians in North Africa.
These circles, joined by veteran gang organizer Fawzi Qawuqji, took an active part in the Rashid Ali case in Iraq, and even tried again, without any success, to incite riots in Israel after Rashid Ali came to power in Iraq. In the "fatwa" that was broadcast in those days in the name of the Mufti, among other crimes of Britain, "the infiltration of the Jews" which "aimed at separating the Arab Muslim countries in Asia from those in Africa" was also mentioned.
The attitude among the Arabs of the Land of Israel in those days will be proven by the behavior of the Border Corps units, which were sent to help the British Army in Iraq. The units with their Arab officers refused to leave the country's borders. Their soldiers were banned and their weapons were unloaded from them. Following this rebellion, 500 men, officers and soldiers, were dismissed from the army and sent home. In fact, during the days of the rebellion, preparations were made in Israel for the resumption of gang activity. Proclamations, with the swastika on their heads, were distributed among the Arabs and called for an alliance with the Germans whose goal was to free the Arabs from the yoke[sic] of the Zionists and the British "but - says an 'internal information leaflet' of the Haganah - "the general crowd refused to follow the instigators of the riots in recent years, and was careful not to cooperate with them, "These are the days of war and the authorities will not play with us as they played in the past years, this time they will destroy us, wipe our villages off the face of the earth" - that was the accepted opinion.
The Arab masses were waiting for the hour when the Germans would come to the gates of the country, just as they came to Yugoslavia to Lyon and the island of Crete. For now, they contented themselves with talks about "dividing the homes of the Jews and their property between them when the great day comes."
Even during the days of Al-Alamein, peace prevailed in the land. "It is permissible to add and assume - reports a report from those days - that as long as the machinery of government is not shaken, the Arabs of the country will not rise up to riots, and perhaps not to vandalism. The situation may change if a rebellion breaks out in Egypt, which will serve as a sign. -- The causes of riots, rebellions and vandalism exist in Israel As before, the weapons are the same: there is no shortage of ammunition; there are many experts everywhere; -- all these have no effect as long as the government is firm and the police are alert, as long as the army is on the hook in various places. The knowledge of the nature of the Jews' cockiness exerts its restraining action; and an army Notrim [guards] is a conspicuous fact".
And so the Land of Israel remained quiet and calm even in the most difficult days in the Middle East; The main activity of the mufti and his friends was transferred with the fall of Rashid Ali to the land of Europe occupied by the Nazis.
The mufti and his followers in Hitler's service
Immediately after the failure of Rashid Ali, the mufti and his gang fled to Iran, where they found refuge in the German embassy in Tehran. Qawuqji stayed for a short time in Syria and organized gangs, which took part in the stubborn resistance of the Vichy armies to the Allies in the summer of 1941
After Iran was conquered by the Russians and the British, the refugees [escapees] moved to Japanese Legation.
Since Turkey refused to give the mufti asylum in its territories, he was flown by the Germans to Italy and on the second day of Heshvan 5702 (October 23, 1941) he arrived in Rome. Thirteen members of his group fell into the hands of the British.
Seven of them were allowed to return to Israel under the usual condition, that they not engage in political activity and be under the supervision of the police. Six others, including Jamal al-Husseini and Amin al-Tamimi, whom the government considered "people capable of causing danger and riots", were sent to a detention camp in Southern Rhodesia.
Many members of the Mufti's group joined him and operated in occupied Europe. Among them it is worth mentioning the leaders of the gangs: [Arif] '''Abd al-Raziq from Tayibe''' and Hassan Salama, and the head of the gang commanders in the summer of 1936, Fawzi al-Kawkji. Others remained in Turkey, acting as liaisons and relaying information between the Germans and the members of the Fifth Column in Arab countries (among them Izzat Darwaza, Akram Zuaytar [Zuaiter] and Mu'in al-Madi). Others (among them Abd Ali Kader al-Husseini and the last commander of the "Arab Revolt" - Abu Bakr) found refuge in Saudi Arabia.
The mufti received a warm welcome in Italy and Germany. His first meeting with Mussolini and Italian Foreign Minister Ciano was described on Radio Rome as an important event for the future of Arab countries. "A short time later, the great fighter for the liberation of the Arabs and the famous opponent of England and Jewry" - as described by the spokesman of the German Foreign Ministry - came to Berlin and ..[8] in Kislev 5702 (November 28, 1941) got to see Hitler's face in an interview that lasted 90 minutes the "Fuehrer" promised him, that a public statement on the status of the Arab countries after the victory of the Axis powers will be given when the German armies arrive in the South Caucasus, but in an unofficial manner, and that it will not be published until the time of the meeting, he informed him, that Germany has no ambitions to rule in the East, and its only goal is "the destruction of the Jewish elements residing in the area The Arabs are under the patronage of the British."</small></blockquote></ref>
helped [[Hitler]] at least from 1941 on.
Exiled initially by the Brits, Arab Palestinians from the mufti's camp, who were working actively for the Germans against the British -- asides from [[Jamal Husseini]] his principle aide<ref name=morris1999/> (continuing to act under his direction in 1946<ref name=jamal-1946>Meyer, Joseph. Middle East Happenings, Colloquies, Images, Mythologies: A Response in Perspective to Some Current Positions. United States: American Academic Association for Peace in the Middle East, 1971. [https://books.google.com/books?id=lG6Cj1mHicQC&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=Jamal+Husseini 18].<blockquote>On April 16, 1948, Jamal Husseini, spokesman for the Higher Committee of Palestine (under the general direction of the Mufti, who was now in Damascus), told the U.N. Security Council, "The representative of the Jewish Agency told us yesterday that they were not the attackers, that the Arabs had begun the fighting. We did not deny this. We told the whole world that we were going to fight."</blockquote></ref><ref>Howard Morley Sachar, "A History of Israel: From the rise of Zionism to our time," vol. 1, Knopf, 1976, [https://books.google.com/books?id=VRK3QEmXFtMC&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=Jamil p. 260]</ref>) -- included: [[Akram Zuaiter]],<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/hmf/1946/03/14/01/article/9 HaMashkif - המשקיף, 14 March 1946].<blockquote>
Exiled initially by the Brits, Arab Palestinians from the mufti's camp, who were working actively for the Germans against the British -- asides from [[Jamal Husseini]] his principle aide<ref name=morris1999/> (continuing to act under his direction in 1946<ref name=jamal-1946>Meyer, Joseph. Middle East Happenings, Colloquies, Images, Mythologies: A Response in Perspective to Some Current Positions. United States: American Academic Association for Peace in the Middle East, 1971. [https://books.google.com/books?id=lG6Cj1mHicQC&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=Jamal+Husseini 18].<blockquote>On April 16, 1948, Jamal Husseini, spokesman for the Higher Committee of Palestine (under the general direction of the Mufti, who was now in Damascus), told the U.N. Security Council, "The representative of the Jewish Agency told us yesterday that they were not the attackers, that the Arabs had begun the fighting. We did not deny this. We told the whole world that we were going to fight."</blockquote></ref><ref>Howard Morley Sachar, "A History of Israel: From the rise of Zionism to our time," vol. 1, Knopf, 1976, [https://books.google.com/books?id=VRK3QEmXFtMC&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=Jamil p. 260]</ref>) -- included: [[Akram Zuaiter]],<ref>[https://www.nli.org.il/en/newspapers/hmf/1946/03/14/01/article/9 HaMashkif - המשקיף, 14 March 1946].<blockquote>
The sheer public display of saluting Hitler in Arab Palestine (including 1934 and 1937) speaks volume. Or Ahmad Shukeiri's testimony in his book of him and his surrounding praying for Hitler's victory 1940. (Before he joined to fight for Hitler as reported in US Congress 1961). Or the poll in 1941 where some 80% of Arab Palestine supported the Nazi victory.</i><ref name=dp-ashcar/>
The sheer public display of saluting Hitler in Arab Palestine (including 1934 and 1937) speaks volume. Or Ahmad Shukeiri's testimony in his book of him and his surrounding praying for Hitler's victory 1940. (Before he joined to fight for Hitler as reported in US Congress 1961). Or the poll in 1941 where some 80% of Arab Palestine supported the Nazi victory.</i><ref name=dp-ashcar/>
Columnist points out: "A book that purports to be about the Arab relationship with the Holocaust is instead a gratuitous exercise in Israel-bashing." His "treatment of the Arab communist parties is lacking – they were more nuanced than he gives them credit for." He minimizes (racist) atrocities by Arabs against Jews and rants against Israel. "What does this have to do with Arabs and the Holocaust? The same can be asked of much of this tragic work."<ref>Seth J. Frantzman, [https://www.jpost.com/magazine/books/politics-gets-in-the-way Politics gets in the way], ''Jerusalem Post'', December 10, 2010.<blockquote><small>
A book that purports to be about the Arab relationship with the Holocaust is instead a gratuitous exercise in Israel-bashing.
Gilbert Achcar… has attempted to write a treatise on the way in which Nazism was received in the Arab world before 1948 and how the Holocaust and the Nakba have been intertwined ever since. It is a monumental and important task, one that he only partially accomplishes. Burdened by a deep bias and an apparent desire to write two books at once, one on the Arabs’ relationship with Nazism and another on the Arab-Israeli “narratives,” the overall work suffers irreparable harm, leaving it with scant scholarly value.
Politics dogs the eloquent writing from the start. The author argues that “as a result of the Zionist enterprise and Jewish immigration to Palestine, the Arabs were deeply affected by the Holocaust.” This seems to be an offhand way of saying that the Arabs paid the price of the Nazi genocide, because of Israel’s creation. It is not clear why the Nakba, what the Palestinians call the creation of Israel, gets intertwined with the Holocaust by the author, creating a grotesque pairing that is all too common.
Why does Achcar claim that “the use of the word holocaust to designate the Jewish genocide is eminently contestable and a subject of fierce controversy”? Why, in the introduction, is Israel given such importance: “The ‘state of the Jews’ plainly owes its creation to the Holocaust, for more than one reason.”
After all, this is supposed to be a book about Arab, not Jewish, politics.
All the semantics could have been passed over with the simple assertion, finally made, that “the reception [and understanding] of the Holocaust in the Arab East… [by the Arabs, has gotten] ever more complicated from the time of the Shoah itself to the time of the Nakba up to our own day.”
The first half of the book is devoted to the period before 1947 when the Arab reactions to Nazism cannot be confused with the Nakba.
The first Arab group examined is the “liberal Westernizers.” These were “those best qualified to criticize the premises of Zionism while defending the values of Western antifascist culture.” Although they didn’t appeal to the masses, “all things considered, the attitude of the Palestinian liberals was one of the most remarkable and commendable forms of opposition to Nazism in the world.” But Achcar fails to show that they did anything to oppose Nazism, except that in an op-ed in Filastin one argued that “Palestine needs neither fascism nor Nazism in order to arouse the feelings of her sons against Zionism.”
The author’s treatment of the Arab communist parties is lacking – they were more nuanced than he gives them credit for and his one extended quote has the Egyptian communist Anwar Kammil complaining that Zionism and Nazism were similar. What of Palestine’s Communist Party, which included Jews and Christian Arab communists – one of the latter, Tawfik Toubi, became the youngest member of the first Knesset?
The author’s examination of the Arab nationalists’ reaction to Nazism is dominated by an obscure academic debate, whether Stefan Wild in 1985 explained the history of the Arab support for Nazism correctly. To Achcar he did not – Michel Aflaq, founder of the Ba’ath Party, was not influenced by Nazism: “Nothing indicates that [he] had the least affinity for Nazism in his student days in France, unless one assumes that his purchase of a Nazi best-seller proves that he was fascinated by Nazi doctrine.”
But if the Ba’athists were genuine nationalists, the Syrian Social Nationalist Party run by Antun Saadeh was “an earlier admirer of Hitler.” The author notes that the Lebanese Phalange, founded by the Maronite Pierre Gemayel in 1936, was influenced by his admiration of Hitler but was modeled on Franco’s fascism. Young Egypt, founded in 1933, also modeled itself on German and Italian fascism, and influenced Anwar Sadat who “never made any secret of his sympathy for the Germans in the war.”
The writer thinks the evidence unclear regarding a youth movement in Iraq called Futuwwa, which took part in a Hitler Youth parade in 1938. It was “one delegation among many.”
Achcar tends to turn those Arabs who were inclined toward Nazism into people with “ideological poverty and confusion” who “zigzagged.” Violent acts against Jews, like the Iraqi pogrom of 1941 are downplayed with claims that more Arabs died and quotes of others cited like “only some 160-180 Jews [were] killed.”
The section on Islamic fundamentalism and anti-Semitism examines such luminaries as Rashid Rida and Shakib Arslan (a Druse), who became pan-Islamists, and a discussion of the Saudi-German relationship and the Jerusalem mufti. Achcar informs us that the appointment of the mufti was a sort of Jewish plot, because Herbert Samuel, high commissioner of Palestine and a Jew, gave the Palestinians a “sower of discord, the first of an unbroken series of calamitous leaders.” This sentence and those like it, such as “the Arab population of Palestine would doubtless have detested Hitler had it known the real content of his doctrine,” degrade the work to the point where its academic pretensions suffer.
The author is full of rage and hatred for his scholarly adversaries, who are subjected to unrelenting abuse. He accuses one author, Matthias Kuntzel, of creating a book based on “a fantasy based-narrative pasted together from secondary sources and third-hand reports.” Two other authors, David Dalin and John Rothmann, are said to have an odd “mental universe” and to have compiled a book full of “clichés of anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab propaganda.” Is The Arabs and the Holocaust much more? A long rant in the conclusion culminates in asking: “How is it possible to deny the ra... nature of Israeli society?” What does this have to do with Arabs and the Holocaust? The same can be asked of much of this tragic work.</small></blockquote></ref>
Reviewing Achcar's book, as '' A Remorseless Apology,'' historian decries, how
Reviewing Achcar's book, as '' A Remorseless Apology,'' historian decries, how