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| | # Yes, social conservatism is objectively preferable to moral degeneracy, though one needs to understand how it goes both ways: in a moral society, social conservatism is a necessary bulwark to hold together basic standards, while an immoral society can utilize it to hold together and fuel a sinister system. | | # Yes, social conservatism is objectively preferable to moral degeneracy, though one needs to understand how it goes both ways: in a moral society, social conservatism is a necessary bulwark to hold together basic standards, while an immoral society can utilize it to hold together and fuel a sinister system. |
| | # More job-friendly? That in of itself has nothing wrong, though how it is portrayed and what agenda it serves matters. Both "right-wing populists" and old-school Communists are working-class populist agitators, left-wing nationalists (as opposed to right-wing "bourgeois" nationalism), and nativists who think that the "outsiders" don't belong. | | # More job-friendly? That in of itself has nothing wrong, though how it is portrayed and what agenda it serves matters. Both "right-wing populists" and old-school Communists are working-class populist agitators, left-wing nationalists (as opposed to right-wing "bourgeois" nationalism), and nativists who think that the "outsiders" don't belong. |
| − | # On the issue of free trade vs. protectionism, fitting that into a left–right framework is tricky in objective terms because of how the very political spectrum changed in the late 1960s–80s; protectionism was once associated with the politics of right-wing "standpat" Republicans, though rejected by the eventual "New Right." However, even in the old days, protectionism wasn't necessarily right-wing—it was conservative when used to benefit the big business interests, and left-wing when a part of socialist, populistic working-class sentiments. The [[Liberal Republican Party]] nominee of [[United States presidential election, 1872|1872]], [[Horace Greeley]], was strongly protectionist, yet also a socialist. Conclusion: Trump's protectionism, fitting a framework of working-class populism, actually represents old-school left-wing ideals from a historically grounded perspective. | + | # On the issue of free trade vs. protectionism, fitting that into a left–right framework is tricky in objective terms because of how the very political spectrum changed in the late 1960s–80s; protectionism was once associated with the politics of right-wing "standpat" Republicans, though rejected by the eventual "[[New Right]]." However, even in the old days, protectionism wasn't necessarily right-wing—it was conservative when used to benefit the big business interests, and left-wing when a part of socialist, populistic working-class sentiments. The [[Liberal Republican Party]] nominee of [[United States presidential election, 1872|1872]], [[Horace Greeley]], was strongly protectionist, yet also a socialist. Conclusion: Trump's protectionism, fitting a framework of working-class populism, actually represents old-school left-wing ideals from a historically grounded perspective. |
| | # Decisions by couples on how many children they desire to have are their private decisions the government has no business intruding upon. A child should not be conceived and born simply because their parents were goaded by a central state into seeking an extra welfare benefit—Conservative, your implied argument that "the ends justify the means," in this case being that a high fertility rate is so important that it justifies government welfare, '''is a brainchild of Machiavellianism, which you hypocritically reproved RobSmith for adhering to.''' | | # Decisions by couples on how many children they desire to have are their private decisions the government has no business intruding upon. A child should not be conceived and born simply because their parents were goaded by a central state into seeking an extra welfare benefit—Conservative, your implied argument that "the ends justify the means," in this case being that a high fertility rate is so important that it justifies government welfare, '''is a brainchild of Machiavellianism, which you hypocritically reproved RobSmith for adhering to.''' |
| | # Yes, small businesses are a crucial backbone of the United States economy. That doesn't justify "right-wing populism." | | # Yes, small businesses are a crucial backbone of the United States economy. That doesn't justify "right-wing populism." |
| | # As for the rhetoric that the evil industrial business elites are controlling the government through cronyism, that is old-school Jeffersonian and Jacksonian rhetoric. In those days, the Jeffersonians and Jacksonians were the left-wing populists, while the Federalists they denounced as industrial cronyists were the classical conservatives. | | # As for the rhetoric that the evil industrial business elites are controlling the government through cronyism, that is old-school Jeffersonian and Jacksonian rhetoric. In those days, the Jeffersonians and Jacksonians were the left-wing populists, while the Federalists they denounced as industrial cronyists were the classical conservatives. |
| | —[[User:LT|<code><span style="background:#FF8181">'''LT'''</span></code>]] '''''[[User talk:LT|<sup>Rev. 22:13</sup>]]''''' Tuesday, 14:48, September 5, 2023 (EDT) | | —[[User:LT|<code><span style="background:#FF8181">'''LT'''</span></code>]] '''''[[User talk:LT|<sup>Rev. 22:13</sup>]]''''' Tuesday, 14:48, September 5, 2023 (EDT) |