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| | '''Integral nationalism''' is a [[radical]], [[authoritarian]] form of [[nationalism]] that emerged in late 19th- and early 20th-century [[Europe]]. It insists that the [[nation]] is an [[organic]], almost mystical entity that transcends [[individual]]s and demands total allegiance. Unlike [[traditional]] [[patriotism]] or [[civic]] nationalism, integral nationalism views the nation as an end in itself, with all aspects of [[life]] ([[politics]], [[culture]], [[religion]], [[economy]]) subordinated to its strength and purity. | | '''Integral nationalism''' is a [[radical]], [[authoritarian]] form of [[nationalism]] that emerged in late 19th- and early 20th-century [[Europe]]. It insists that the [[nation]] is an [[organic]], almost mystical entity that transcends [[individual]]s and demands total allegiance. Unlike [[traditional]] [[patriotism]] or [[civic]] nationalism, integral nationalism views the nation as an end in itself, with all aspects of [[life]] ([[politics]], [[culture]], [[religion]], [[economy]]) subordinated to its strength and purity. |
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| − | The nation is compared to a living body; foreign influences, [[minorities]], or dissenting [[ideologies]] are "[[disease]]s" to be removed. In many versions it emphasizes [[ethnic]] homogeneity and can slide into [[racism]] or [[antisemitism]]. | + | The nation is compared to a living body; foreign influences, [[minorities]], or dissenting [[ideologies]] are "[[disease]]s" to be removed. In many versions it emphasizes [[ethnic]] homogeneity and can slide into [[racism]] or [[antisemitism]]. The [[collective]] will is considered more critical than [[individual]] [[rational]]ity. |
| − | It emphasized [[willpower]] over [[reason]]. The [[collective]] will is considered more critical than [[individual]] [[rational]]ity, often glorifying struggle and [[warfare]] as expressions of national vitality.
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| | Led by Charles Maurras, who coined the phrase "integral nationalism" (''nationalisme intégral''), it was [[violent]]ly [[antisemitic]]. Its slogan was "Politique d’abord!" (Politics first)—everything must serve the nation. It was condemned by the [[Vatican]] in 1926. then later partially lifted and supported by [[Vichy France]]. | | Led by Charles Maurras, who coined the phrase "integral nationalism" (''nationalisme intégral''), it was [[violent]]ly [[antisemitic]]. Its slogan was "Politique d’abord!" (Politics first)—everything must serve the nation. It was condemned by the [[Vatican]] in 1926. then later partially lifted and supported by [[Vichy France]]. |
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| | [[Italian]] [[Fascism]] and [[German]] [[Nazism]] borrowed heavily from its [[rhetoric]] with the [[cult]] of the nation/[[race]] as supreme [[value]], the leader as the embodiment of the nation's will, and a rejection of universal [[human rights]]. | | [[Italian]] [[Fascism]] and [[German]] [[Nazism]] borrowed heavily from its [[rhetoric]] with the [[cult]] of the nation/[[race]] as supreme [[value]], the leader as the embodiment of the nation's will, and a rejection of universal [[human rights]]. |
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| − | In [[Ukraine]], members of the [[Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists]] (OUN) embraced integral nationalism as a model for national struggle, emphasizing cultural purity and national [[language]] in a stateless context/
| + | The nationalists who emerged in [[Austrian Galacia|Galicia]] following the [[First World War]] adopted integral nationalism.<ref name="erlacher2014">{{cite journal |author=Trevor Erlacher |year=2014 |title=The birth of Ukrainian "active nationalism": Dmytro Dontsov and heterodox Marxism before World war I, 1883–1914 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/modern-intellectual-history/article/abs/birth-of-ukrainian-active-nationalism-dmytro-dontsov-and-heterodox-marxism-before-world-war-i-18831914/51C1E543D5D2B1B5D4624782E2CF3F1E |journal=Modern Intellectual History |volume=11 |issue=3 |pages=519–548 |doi=10.1017/S1479244314000171 |s2cid=144888682|url-access=subscription }}</ref>{{#tag:ref|From page 523: "The term "integral nationalism" has emerged as the most accurate and least tendentious label for "active nationalism" in the scholarly literature on [[Dontsov]] and the OUN"<ref name=erlacher2014 />|group=nb}} The nation was held to be of the highest absolute value, more important than social class, regions, the individual, [[religion]], etc. To this end, members of the [[Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists]] (OUN) were urged to "force their way into all areas of national life", such as [[institution]]s, societies, villages and families. Politics was seen as a [[Darwinian]] struggle between nations for survival, rendering conflict unavoidable and justifying any means that would lead to the victory of one's nation over that of others. In this context, [[willpower]] was seen as more important than [[reason]],<ref name="Subtleny">Orest Subtelny. (1988). ''Ukraine: A History.'' Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp.441–446.</ref> and warfare was glorified as an expression of national vitality. |
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| | + | The [[OUN]]'s conceptualization was particular in several ways. Because Ukraine was stateless and surrounded by more powerful neighbors, the emphasis on force and warfare was to be expressed in acts of [[terrorism]] rather than open warfare, and illegality was glorified. Because Ukrainians did not have a [[state]] to [[worship]] or serve, the emphasis was placed on a "pure" national [[language]] and culture rather than a State. There was a strain of fantastic [[romanticism]], in which the unsophisticated Ukrainian rejection of reason was more spontaneous and genuine than the cynical rejection of reason by German or Italian integral nationalists.<ref>{{cite book |first=John |last=Armstrong |year=1963 |title=Ukrainian Nationalism |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York |pages=20–22}}</ref> |
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| | + | The OUN viewed the [[Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church]] as a rival and condemned [[Catholic]] leaders as police informers or potential informers; the Church rejected integral nationalism as incompatible with [[Christian]] [[ethics]]. The conflict between the OUN and the Church eased in the late 1930s.<ref>Myroslav Shkandrij.(2015). National democracy, the OUN, and Dontsovism: Three ideological currents in Ukrainian Nationalism of the 1930s–40s and their shared myth-system".Communist and Post-Communist Studies 1–8</ref> |
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| | ==References== | | ==References== |