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'''Reinhold Niebuhr''' (1892—1971) was the leading [[Neo-Orthodox]] theologian in the United States and the premier American public theologian of the [[Cold War]] era from 1945 to his death.  Niebuhr was the archetypal American intellectual of the Cold War era. Starting as a leftist minister in the 1920's, he became an anti-utopian socialist in the 1930's and then evolved toward a traditionalist Protestant doctrine of sinfulness. This Christian pessimism continued after 1945 and led him to support US efforts to confront Soviet communism around the world. This change in Niebuhr's thought had a great impact on certain Democratic liberals, who came to support both domestic welfarism and a "realist" foreign policy.  
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'''Reinhold Niebuhr''' (1892—1971) was the leading [[Neo-Orthodox]] theologian in the United States and the premier American public theologian of the [[Cold War]] era from 1945 to his death.  Niebuhr was the archetypal American intellectual of the Cold War era. Starting as a leftist minister in the 1920's, he became an anti-utopian socialist in the 1930's and then evolved toward a traditionalist Protestant doctrine of sinfulness. This Christian pessimism continued after 1945 and led him to support US efforts to confront Soviet communism around the world. This change in Niebuhr's thought had a great impact on many Democratic liberals, who came to support both domestic welfarism and a "realist" foreign policy.  
    
==Career==
 
==Career==
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Niebuhr grew up in Lincoln, Illinois, where his father was a pastor in a German-speaking Evangelical congregation; his brother H. Richard Niebuhr became a famous historian of religion.  He attended Elmhurst College and Yale Divinity School, claiming he learned far more at Yale.
    
===World War I===
 
===World War I===
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===History===
 
===History===
 
In ''The Irony of American History'' (1952) Niebuhr questioned whether a humane, "ironical" interpretation of American history was credible on its own merits, or only in the context of a Christian view of history. Niebuhr's concept of irony referred to situations in which "the consequences of an act are diametrically opposed to the original intention," and "the fundamental cause of the disparity lies in the actor himself, and his original purpose." His reading of American history based on this notion, though from the Christian perspective, is so rooted in historical events that readers who do not share his religious views can be led to the same conclusion.<ref> Martin E. Marty, "Reinhold Niebuhr and the Irony of American History: A Retrospective." ''History Teacher'' 1993 26(2): 161-174. 0018-2745 </ref>  
 
In ''The Irony of American History'' (1952) Niebuhr questioned whether a humane, "ironical" interpretation of American history was credible on its own merits, or only in the context of a Christian view of history. Niebuhr's concept of irony referred to situations in which "the consequences of an act are diametrically opposed to the original intention," and "the fundamental cause of the disparity lies in the actor himself, and his original purpose." His reading of American history based on this notion, though from the Christian perspective, is so rooted in historical events that readers who do not share his religious views can be led to the same conclusion.<ref> Martin E. Marty, "Reinhold Niebuhr and the Irony of American History: A Retrospective." ''History Teacher'' 1993 26(2): 161-174. 0018-2745 </ref>  
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Niebuhr's great foe was idealism. American idealism, he believed, comes in two forms: the idealism of the antiwar noninterventionists, who are embarrassed by power, and the idealism of pro-war imperialists, who disguise power as virtue. He said the non-interventionists, without mentioning [[Harry Emerson Fosdick]] by name, seek to preserve the purity of their souls, either by denouncing military actions or by demanding that every action taken be unequivocally virtuous. They exaggerate the sins committed by their own country, excuse the malevolence of its enemies, and, as later polemicists have put it, inevitably blame America first. This is all just a pious way of refusing to face real problems, Niebuhr argued. 
 
==World Affairs==
 
==World Affairs==
 
Niebuhr supported the Allies during World War II and argued for the engagement of the United States in the war. As a writer popular in the secular as well as religious arena and a professor at the Union Theological Seminary he was very influential both in the United States and abroad. While many clergy proclaimed themselves pacifists because of their World War I experiences, Niebuhr declared a victory by Germany and Japan would threaten Christianity. He renounced his socialist connections and beliefs and resigned from the pacifist Fellowship of Reconciliation. He based his arguments on the Protestant beliefs that sin is part of the world, that justice must take precedence over love, and that pacifism is a symbolic portrayal of absolute love but cannot prevent sin. Although they did not portray him favorably, Niebuhr's exchanges with his opponents on the issue helped him mature intellectually.<ref> Justus D. Doenecke, "Reinhold Niebuhr and his Critics: The Interventionist Controversy in World War II," ''Anglican and Episcopal History'' 1995 64(4): 459-481. </Ref>  
 
Niebuhr supported the Allies during World War II and argued for the engagement of the United States in the war. As a writer popular in the secular as well as religious arena and a professor at the Union Theological Seminary he was very influential both in the United States and abroad. While many clergy proclaimed themselves pacifists because of their World War I experiences, Niebuhr declared a victory by Germany and Japan would threaten Christianity. He renounced his socialist connections and beliefs and resigned from the pacifist Fellowship of Reconciliation. He based his arguments on the Protestant beliefs that sin is part of the world, that justice must take precedence over love, and that pacifism is a symbolic portrayal of absolute love but cannot prevent sin. Although they did not portray him favorably, Niebuhr's exchanges with his opponents on the issue helped him mature intellectually.<ref> Justus D. Doenecke, "Reinhold Niebuhr and his Critics: The Interventionist Controversy in World War II," ''Anglican and Episcopal History'' 1995 64(4): 459-481. </Ref>  
 
Niebuhr debated Charles Clayton Morrison, editor of ''The Christian Century'' magazine about America's entry into World War II. Morrison and his pacifistic followers maintained that America's role should be strictly neutral and part of a negotiated peace only, while Niebuhr claimed himself to be a realist, who opposed the use of political power to attain moral ends. Morrison and his followers strongly supported the movement to outlaw war that began after World War I and the [[Kellogg-Briand Pact]] of 1928. The pact was severely challenged by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931, and in 1932, with his publication of ''Moral Man and Immoral Society'', Niebuhr broke ranks with The Christian Century and supported interventionism and power politics, culminating in his support of the reelection of President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] in 1940 and the publication of his own magazine, ''Christianity and Crisis''.<ref> Gary B. Bullert, "Reinhold Niebuhr and the Christian Century: World War II and the Eclipse of the Social Gospel." ''Journal of Church and State'' 2002 44(2): 271-290. 0021-969x (online)</ref>  In 1945, however, Niebuhr charged that use of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima was "morally indefensible."
 
Niebuhr debated Charles Clayton Morrison, editor of ''The Christian Century'' magazine about America's entry into World War II. Morrison and his pacifistic followers maintained that America's role should be strictly neutral and part of a negotiated peace only, while Niebuhr claimed himself to be a realist, who opposed the use of political power to attain moral ends. Morrison and his followers strongly supported the movement to outlaw war that began after World War I and the [[Kellogg-Briand Pact]] of 1928. The pact was severely challenged by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931, and in 1932, with his publication of ''Moral Man and Immoral Society'', Niebuhr broke ranks with The Christian Century and supported interventionism and power politics, culminating in his support of the reelection of President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] in 1940 and the publication of his own magazine, ''Christianity and Crisis''.<ref> Gary B. Bullert, "Reinhold Niebuhr and the Christian Century: World War II and the Eclipse of the Social Gospel." ''Journal of Church and State'' 2002 44(2): 271-290. 0021-969x (online)</ref>  In 1945, however, Niebuhr charged that use of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima was "morally indefensible."
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Niebuhr's defense of Roosevelt made him popular among liberals, as historian  Morton White noted:
 
Niebuhr's defense of Roosevelt made him popular among liberals, as historian  Morton White noted:
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===Serenity Prayer===
 
===Serenity Prayer===
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Niebuhr is often credited with writing the famous prayer used by [[Alcoholics Anonymous]].  Niebuhr's daughter Elisabeth (now last name Sifton) wrote a book ''The Serenity Prayer (2003)'' about the prayer and her father.
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Niebuhr popularized the famous prayer used by [[Alcoholics Anonymous]].  Niebuhr's daughter Elisabeth Sifton wrote a book ''The Serenity Prayer (2003)'' about the prayer and suggests her father wrote it, though he borrowed it from others.  
    
{{cquote|God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, courage to change the things I can, and wisdom to know the difference.}}
 
{{cquote|God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, courage to change the things I can, and wisdom to know the difference.}}
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