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| | :"Man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible; but man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary." | | :"Man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible; but man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary." |
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| − | His realism deepened continued after 1945 and led him to support US efforts to confront Soviet communism around the world. A powerful speaker and lucid author, he was the most influential minister of the 1940s and 1950s in public affairs. | + | His realism deepened after 1945 and led him to support US efforts to confront Soviet communism around the world. A powerful speaker and lucid author, he was the most influential minister of the 1940s and 1950s in public affairs. |
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| | Niebuhr's perspective had a great impact on many liberals, who came to support a "realist" foreign policy. He is a favorite thinker of [[Jimmy Carter]], [[Hillary Clinton]] and [[Barack Obama]], as well as [[John McCain]]<ref>Frank A. Ruechel, "Politics And Morality Revisited: Jimmy Carter and Reinhold Niebuhr." ''Atlanta History'' 1994 37(4): 19-31; John McCain, ''Hard Call: Great Decisions and the Extraordinary People Who Made Them'' (2007) pp 321-38; also [http://pewforum.org/news/display.php?NewsID=14256 "Reinhold Niebuhr is Unseen Force in 2008 Elections"], September 27, 2007, Benedicta Cipolla, ''Religion News Service'' of the ''Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life'' </ref>. | | Niebuhr's perspective had a great impact on many liberals, who came to support a "realist" foreign policy. He is a favorite thinker of [[Jimmy Carter]], [[Hillary Clinton]] and [[Barack Obama]], as well as [[John McCain]]<ref>Frank A. Ruechel, "Politics And Morality Revisited: Jimmy Carter and Reinhold Niebuhr." ''Atlanta History'' 1994 37(4): 19-31; John McCain, ''Hard Call: Great Decisions and the Extraordinary People Who Made Them'' (2007) pp 321-38; also [http://pewforum.org/news/display.php?NewsID=14256 "Reinhold Niebuhr is Unseen Force in 2008 Elections"], September 27, 2007, Benedicta Cipolla, ''Religion News Service'' of the ''Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life'' </ref>. |
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| | :Traditionally, the idea of the frailty of man led to the demand for obedience to ordained authority. But Niebuhr rejected that ancient conservative argument. Ordained authority, he showed, is all the more subject to the temptations of self-interest, self-deception and self-righteousness. Power must be balanced by power. He persuaded me and many of my contemporaries that original sin provides a far stronger foundation for freedom and self-government than illusions about human perfectibility. Niebuhr's analysis was grounded in the Christianity of Augustine and Calvin, but he had, nonetheless, a special affinity with secular circles. His warnings against utopianism, messianism and perfectionism strike a chord today....We cannot play the role of God to history, and we must strive as best we can to attain decency, clarity and proximate justice in an ambiguous world.<ref>Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., [http://speakingoffaith.publicradio.org/programs/niebuhr-rediscovered/schlesinger-centennial.shtml ''New York Times'', June 22, 1992 online]</ref> | | :Traditionally, the idea of the frailty of man led to the demand for obedience to ordained authority. But Niebuhr rejected that ancient conservative argument. Ordained authority, he showed, is all the more subject to the temptations of self-interest, self-deception and self-righteousness. Power must be balanced by power. He persuaded me and many of my contemporaries that original sin provides a far stronger foundation for freedom and self-government than illusions about human perfectibility. Niebuhr's analysis was grounded in the Christianity of Augustine and Calvin, but he had, nonetheless, a special affinity with secular circles. His warnings against utopianism, messianism and perfectionism strike a chord today....We cannot play the role of God to history, and we must strive as best we can to attain decency, clarity and proximate justice in an ambiguous world.<ref>Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., [http://speakingoffaith.publicradio.org/programs/niebuhr-rediscovered/schlesinger-centennial.shtml ''New York Times'', June 22, 1992 online]</ref> |
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| − | Niebuhr's defense of Roosevelt made him popular among liberals, as historian Morton White noted with a touch ofirony: | + | Niebuhr's defense of Roosevelt made him popular among liberals, as historian Morton White noted with a touch of irony: |
| − | :The contemporary liberal's fascination with Niebuhr, I suggest, comes less from Niebuhr's dark theory of human nature and more from his actual political pronouncements, from the fact that he is a shrewd, courageous, and right-minded man on many political questions. Those who applaud his politics are too liable to turn then to his theory of human nature and praise it as the philosophical instrument of Niebuhr's political agreement with themselves. But very few of those whom I have called "atheists for Niebuhr" follow this inverted logic to its conclusion: they don't move from praise of Niebuhr's theory of human nature to praise of its theological ground. We may admire them for drawing the line somewhere, but certainly not for their consistency.<ref> ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', Morton White, [[Harvard University]] Press, 1959 p.117-118</ref>}} | + | :The contemporary liberal's fascination with Niebuhr, I suggest, comes less from Niebuhr's dark theory of human nature and more from his actual political pronouncements, from the fact that he is a shrewd, courageous, and right-minded man on many political questions. Those who applaud his politics are too liable to turn then to his theory of human nature and praise it as the philosophical instrument of Niebuhr's political agreement with themselves. But very few of those whom I have called "atheists for Niebuhr" follow this inverted logic to its conclusion: they don't move from praise of Niebuhr's theory of human nature to praise of its theological ground. We may admire them for drawing the line somewhere, but certainly not for their consistency.<ref> Morton White, ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', (1959) p.117-118</ref> |
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