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| | Wilson's father Joseph Ruggles Wilson (1822-1903), born in Ohio, was a Presbyterian minister of Scotch Irish descent. Woodrow's mother Jesse was born in Carlisle, England, to a Scottish-born Presbyterian minister; her family moved to Canada in 1835 and to Ohio in 1837. Woodrow's parents moved South in 1851, owned house slaves, and identified themselves with the culture and political values of the South. The father Joseph Wilson was a theologian, defended slavery and soon emerged as a leader of the Southern Presbyterian Church and an avid supporter of the Confederacy.<ref> In the 1880s Joseph Wilson argued at length that evolution was NOT in conflict with the Bible; he was thereupon forced out as head of the Presbyterian seminary in South Carolina. See Fred Kingsley Elder, ''Woodrow: Apostle of Freedom'' (1996) [http://www.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-4642(199711)63%3A4%3C898%3AWAOF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O&cookieSet=1 online review]</ref> | | Wilson's father Joseph Ruggles Wilson (1822-1903), born in Ohio, was a Presbyterian minister of Scotch Irish descent. Woodrow's mother Jesse was born in Carlisle, England, to a Scottish-born Presbyterian minister; her family moved to Canada in 1835 and to Ohio in 1837. Woodrow's parents moved South in 1851, owned house slaves, and identified themselves with the culture and political values of the South. The father Joseph Wilson was a theologian, defended slavery and soon emerged as a leader of the Southern Presbyterian Church and an avid supporter of the Confederacy.<ref> In the 1880s Joseph Wilson argued at length that evolution was NOT in conflict with the Bible; he was thereupon forced out as head of the Presbyterian seminary in South Carolina. See Fred Kingsley Elder, ''Woodrow: Apostle of Freedom'' (1996) [http://www.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-4642(199711)63%3A4%3C898%3AWAOF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O&cookieSet=1 online review]</ref> |
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| − | Wilson's grandfather (Joseph Wilson's father) was James Wilson, who immigrated to the United States from northern Ireland in 1807 and was first an editor of the [[Jeffersonian Republican]] newspaper the ''Aurora'' in Philadelphia, and later published Whig newspapers in Ohio and Pennsylvania. Since his father had been ostracized by the northern relatives, Woodrow had no contact with his grandfather or uncles, who were active in antislavery Republican politics in Ohio and Pennsylvania.<ref>Francis P. Weisenburger, "The Middle Western Antecedents of Woodrow Wilson," ''Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 23, No. 3 (Dec., 1936), pp. 375-390 | + | Wilson's grandfather (Joseph Wilson's father) was James Wilson, who immigrated to the United States from northern Ireland in 1807 and was first an editor of the [[Jeffersonian Republican]] newspaper the ''Aurora'' in Philadelphia, and later published Whig newspapers in Ohio and Pennsylvania. Since his father had been ostracized by the northern relatives, Woodrow had no contact with his grandfather or uncles, who were active in antislavery Republican politics in Ohio and Pennsylvania.<ref>Francis P. Weisenburger, "The Middle Western Antecedents of Woodrow Wilson," ''Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 23, No. 3 (Dec., 1936), pp. 375-390 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1886371 in JSTOR]</ref> |
| − | Published by: Organization of American Historians [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1886371 in JSTOR]</ref>
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| | Woodrow grew up in the South during the Civil War and Reconstruction his father was a chaplain for the Confederate army. Woodrow saw the humiliation, economic ruin and shame that the loser of a war experiences and the hatred that grows from this, as well as the rampant corruption during Reconstruction in Columbia, the capital of South Carolina. | | Woodrow grew up in the South during the Civil War and Reconstruction his father was a chaplain for the Confederate army. Woodrow saw the humiliation, economic ruin and shame that the loser of a war experiences and the hatred that grows from this, as well as the rampant corruption during Reconstruction in Columbia, the capital of South Carolina. |
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| | ===Political theory=== | | ===Political theory=== |
| | Wilson made significant contributions to political science.<ref> he also wrote popular history of high quality, including a five-volume history of the United States and a life of George Washington.</ref> In his book ''Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics'' (1885), noting how the Constitution's separation of powers had been eroded since the Civil War by the increasing power of Congress, he suggested a remedy for this in a cabinet-style government of the variety proposed by [[Walter Bagehot]] in Britain. By criticizing the Constitutionalist and Federalist traditions that had characterized American politics for a century, and showing their faults, Wilson sought to open a serious debate on the political changes in the United States in the intervening century and whether the Constitution remained an adequate regulator of these. By the time he wrote ''Constitutional Government in the United States'' (1908), Wilson was advocating the need for constitutional reform that would make Congress and president more representative and, above all, the need for a strong president who could influence Congress rather than submit to it. | | Wilson made significant contributions to political science.<ref> he also wrote popular history of high quality, including a five-volume history of the United States and a life of George Washington.</ref> In his book ''Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics'' (1885), noting how the Constitution's separation of powers had been eroded since the Civil War by the increasing power of Congress, he suggested a remedy for this in a cabinet-style government of the variety proposed by [[Walter Bagehot]] in Britain. By criticizing the Constitutionalist and Federalist traditions that had characterized American politics for a century, and showing their faults, Wilson sought to open a serious debate on the political changes in the United States in the intervening century and whether the Constitution remained an adequate regulator of these. By the time he wrote ''Constitutional Government in the United States'' (1908), Wilson was advocating the need for constitutional reform that would make Congress and president more representative and, above all, the need for a strong president who could influence Congress rather than submit to it. |
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| | + | Wilson originated the notion that political parties, besides running campaigns, need to be responsible for clearly designed public policies, which they present to the electorate for approval. The key to responsibility was the presidency. Hegelian conceptions of monarchy strongly influenced Wilson, and his view of public opinion contrasted sharply with the Madisonian view of factionalism. Consequently Wilson viewed parties as primarily the machinery through which strong leaders interpret and pursue the public will.<ref> Scot J. Zentner, "President and Party in the Thought of Woodrow Wilson," ''Presidential Studies Quarterly''; 1996 26(3): 666-677, [http://www.jstor.org/stable/27551624 in JSTOR]</ref> |
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| | ===Public administration=== | | ===Public administration=== |
| | Wilson was a founder of the study of public administration by political scientists. Wilson believed in a strong, active role for the central government and as president succeeded in establishing legislation that significantly enlarged its regulatory powers. With the publication of ''Congressional Government'' in 1885, Wilson established himself as a leader of the political reform movement of the day. The book was the first of its kind to analyze policymaking by the central government and to provide recommendations for changing the process. Wilson was one of the three most prominent public administrationists of the 1880's and 1890's. As an academician, he promoted a separate department for the study of public administration and wrote 'The Study of Adminstration' (1887), the first published essay by a university scholar on the subject, established Wilson as the leading authority in the field. During the next year he inaugurated a course in public administration at Johns Hopkins University, providing three 6-week lecture series arranged in a 3-year cycle. In 1889, Wilson published a textbook, ''The State,'' and, in 1891, he began at Hopkins a new 3-year course which was a further significant step in the development of the study of administration. He was one of the first scholars to realize fully that all government was ultimately to be administration.<ref> Richard J. Stillman, II, "Woodrow Wilson and the Study of Administration: A New Look at an Old Essay," ''American Political Science Review,'' Vol. 67, No. 2 (Jun., 1973), pp. 582-588 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1958787 in JSTOR]; Larry Walker, "Woodrow Wilson, Progressive Reform, and Public Administration," ''Political Science Quarterly'', Vol. 104, No. 3 (Autumn, 1989), pp. 509-525 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2151276 in JSTOR]</ref> | | Wilson was a founder of the study of public administration by political scientists. Wilson believed in a strong, active role for the central government and as president succeeded in establishing legislation that significantly enlarged its regulatory powers. With the publication of ''Congressional Government'' in 1885, Wilson established himself as a leader of the political reform movement of the day. The book was the first of its kind to analyze policymaking by the central government and to provide recommendations for changing the process. Wilson was one of the three most prominent public administrationists of the 1880's and 1890's. As an academician, he promoted a separate department for the study of public administration and wrote 'The Study of Adminstration' (1887), the first published essay by a university scholar on the subject, established Wilson as the leading authority in the field. During the next year he inaugurated a course in public administration at Johns Hopkins University, providing three 6-week lecture series arranged in a 3-year cycle. In 1889, Wilson published a textbook, ''The State,'' and, in 1891, he began at Hopkins a new 3-year course which was a further significant step in the development of the study of administration. He was one of the first scholars to realize fully that all government was ultimately to be administration.<ref> Richard J. Stillman, II, "Woodrow Wilson and the Study of Administration: A New Look at an Old Essay," ''American Political Science Review,'' Vol. 67, No. 2 (Jun., 1973), pp. 582-588 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1958787 in JSTOR]; Larry Walker, "Woodrow Wilson, Progressive Reform, and Public Administration," ''Political Science Quarterly'', Vol. 104, No. 3 (Autumn, 1989), pp. 509-525 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2151276 in JSTOR]</ref> |
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| | ===Football=== | | ===Football=== |
| − | Wilson as president of Princeton, and [[Theodore Roosevelt]] as president of the United States, took an intense interest in the controversy over the reform of college football. In the 1890s and early 1900s, college football faced sharp of criticism over injuries and the role of athletics in college life. Roosevelt and Wilson, loyal followers of Harvard and Princeton, had defended football in the 1890s. In the fall of 1905, however, President Roosevelt called a conference of football experts at the White House to discuss brutality and unsportsmanlike conduct. Thereafter, Roosevelt worked behind the scenes to bring about sufficient reform to preserve football and insure that it would continue to be played at Harvard. In the years 1909-10, when college football again faced an injury crisis, Wilson worked with the presidents at Harvard and Yale to make reasonable reforms. Both Roosevelt's and Wilson's approaches were consistent with their strategies for national political change. In the years that followed the reforms on the gridiron, football evolved rapidly into the 'attractive' game that Wilson had advocated and a far less brutal game than the unruly spectacle that Roosevelt had tried to control.<ref>John S. Watterson, III, "Political Football: Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and the Gridiron Reform Movement," ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1995 25(3): 555-564 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/27551467 | + | Wilson as president of Princeton, and [[Theodore Roosevelt]] as president of the United States, took an intense interest in the controversy over the reform of college football. In the 1890s and early 1900s, college football faced sharp of criticism over injuries and the role of athletics in college life. Roosevelt and Wilson, loyal followers of Harvard and Princeton, had defended football in the 1890s. In the fall of 1905, however, President Roosevelt called a conference of football experts at the White House to discuss brutality and unsportsmanlike conduct. Thereafter, Roosevelt worked behind the scenes to bring about sufficient reform to preserve football and insure that it would continue to be played at Harvard. In the years 1909-10, when college football again faced an injury crisis, Wilson worked with the presidents at Harvard and Yale to make reasonable reforms. Both Roosevelt's and Wilson's approaches were consistent with their strategies for national political change. In the years that followed the reforms on the gridiron, football evolved rapidly into the 'attractive' game that Wilson had advocated and a far less brutal game than the unruly spectacle that Roosevelt had tried to control.<ref>John S. Watterson, III, "Political Football: Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and the Gridiron Reform Movement," ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1995 25(3): 555-564 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/27551467 in JSTOR]</ref> |
| − | in JSTOR]</ref> | + | ===Southerner=== |
| | + | Wilson was the first southerner elected president since [[Zachary Taylor]] in 1848, and much of his political base came from young progressives in that region, especially intellectuals, editors and lawyers.<ref> Arthur S. Link, "Woodrow Wilson: The American as Southerner," ''Journal of Southern History,'' Vol. 36, No. 1 (Feb., 1970), pp. 3-17 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2206599 in JSTOR] Andrew Johnson was not elected; he moved from vice president to president after Lincoln's death in 1865.</ref> |
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| | + | Many Civil War veterans were still alive and Wilson used the memory of the War to build nationalism and to facilitate reunion between the North and the South. In his academic work and public comments, Wilson stressed the theoretical and constitutional causes of the war, devaluing the slavery issue and stressing the moral equality of North and South, all in the interest of lessening sectional animosity. During World War I and the struggle for the League of Nations, Wilson frequently drew comparisons between Lincoln and the Union's sacrifices to save the nation and American soldiers' sacrifices during World War I to save the world.<ref> Anthony Gaughan, "Woodrow Wilson and the Legacy of the Civil War," ''Civil War History'' 1997 43(3): 225-242; online in [[Questia]]</ref> |
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| | + | Wilson drew on Southern conservatism in the development of his political philosophy and identity as a politician from the 1890's to 1921. While Wilson forged a Progressive reformist outlook that encompassed limited government intervention in social and economic matters, he embraced a conservative, organic conception of social change drawn partially from the thought of Edmund Burke and partially from a mythical vision of the Old South as a model of social stability and integration. Deeply alarmed by labor and agrarian radicalism in the 1890s, Wilson resolved to cleanse the Democratic Party of Populist influence. His political vision ultimately sought to adapt American society to the new economic conditions of the 20th century, chiefly defined by the magnification of corporate power, while retaining the race and class hierarchies of tradition. Wilson's vision of Southern conservatism as a regenerative force set the precedent for the conservative ideology that dominated American politics since the 1980s.<ref> Michael Dennis, Woodrow Wilson and Southern Reform Conservatism Southern Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the South; 2006 13(3-4): 1-28. </ref> |
| | ==Reform governor== | | ==Reform governor== |
| | By 1910 when internal politics at Princeton meant that the research university became dominant. Frustrated, Wilson moved into state politics, winning the governorship of New Jersey as a Democrat in 1910, supported by the party bosses. He immediately broke with the bosses and launched a reform administration that was a model of Progressive Era state government. Wilson by 1912 had emerged as the leader of the [[Progressive Movement]] in the Democratic Party. | | By 1910 when internal politics at Princeton meant that the research university became dominant. Frustrated, Wilson moved into state politics, winning the governorship of New Jersey as a Democrat in 1910, supported by the party bosses. He immediately broke with the bosses and launched a reform administration that was a model of Progressive Era state government. Wilson by 1912 had emerged as the leader of the [[Progressive Movement]] in the Democratic Party. |
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| | President [[William Howard Taft]] defeated ex-President [[Theodore Roosevelt]] in a bitter contest for the Republican nomination, but Roosevelt walked out of the Republican convention and ran as a third party candidate. Wilson's success in the electoral college was assured, despite his 41.8% of the popular vote.<ref> Lewis L. Gould, ''Four Hats in the Ring: The 1912 Election and the Birth of Modern American Politics,'' (2008); Link (1947)</ref>. | | President [[William Howard Taft]] defeated ex-President [[Theodore Roosevelt]] in a bitter contest for the Republican nomination, but Roosevelt walked out of the Republican convention and ran as a third party candidate. Wilson's success in the electoral college was assured, despite his 41.8% of the popular vote.<ref> Lewis L. Gould, ''Four Hats in the Ring: The 1912 Election and the Birth of Modern American Politics,'' (2008); Link (1947)</ref>. |
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| − | Wilson was the first southerner elected president since [[Zachary Taylor]] in 1848, and much of his political base came from young progressives in that region, especially intellectuals, editors and lawyers.<ref> Arthur S. Link, "Woodrow Wilson: The American as Southerner," ''Journal of Southern History,'' Vol. 36, No. 1 (Feb., 1970), pp. 3-17 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2206599 in JSTOR] Andrew Johnson was not elected; he moved from vice president to president after Lincoln's death in 1865.</ref>
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| | ==President: 1913-21== | | ==President: 1913-21== |
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| | ====Domestic policy==== | | ====Domestic policy==== |
| | [[File:Ww-prog.jpg|thumb|580px|left]] | | [[File:Ww-prog.jpg|thumb|580px|left]] |
| | + | ====Immigration===== |
| | + | Wilson twice vetoed the Burnett Immigration Restriction Bill, which required a literacy test for immigrants and would have sharply reduced the number of poor immigrants from Poland, Italy and other parts of eastern and southern Europe . As a moderate progressive, Wilson believed southern and eastern European immigrants, though often poor and illiterate, to be capable of assimilation into a homogeneous middle class with other whites. He considered so-called hyphenated immigrants unacceptable because they acted as groups rather than blending into the common population. Indeed he denounced the hyphenates. Wilson sought to achieve American strength through unity, blending together the best characteristics of every nationality to create the ideal citizenry, opposing [[Henry Cabot Lodge]]'s nativist view that American civilization must be based on an Anglo-Saxon foundation. Immigration from Europe practically ended when the war began, so the issue was postponed ino the 1920s, when a quota system was set up to keep the country's ethnic balance unchanged.<ref> Hans Vought, . Division and Reunion: Woodrow Wilson, Immigration, and the Myth of American Unity. Journal of American Ethnic History; 1994 13(3): 24-50.</ref> |
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| | + | ====Foreign Policy==== |
| | + | =====Mexico===== |
| | + | The extremely violent civil war that broke out in Mexico in 1911 drove hundreds of thousands of refugees north across the border, and forced Wilson to intervene. [[Francisco Madero]], an idealistic reformer who came to power in 1911. Madero tried to violently upend the social order in Mexico by destroying the landed aristocracy and the Catholic Church. When Madero was overthrown and murdered by [[Victoriano Huerta]] in February 1913, days before Wilson took office, he refused to recognize the new Mexican government. Relations deteriorated between the two countries. After American sailors were arrested in Tampico in April 1914 by Huerta's soldiers, the armed conflict loomed. American soldiers occupied Vera Cruz. In July 1914 Huerta fled to Spain. In 1916 the civil war between warlords [[Venustiano Carranza]] and [[Pancho Villa]] continued, and in March Villa raided Columbus, New Mexico, killing 20 Americans. Wilson sent Brigadier General [[John J. Pershing]] deep into Mexico to capture Villa. Villa escaped the Americans. Despite the demands of outraged senators, Wilson did not declare war on Mexico. He ran for reelection in 1916 on the slogan, "He kept us out of war," meaning out of a war with Mexico. |
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| − | ====Foreign Policy====
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| | ====Reelection==== | | ====Reelection==== |
| | ====Woman suffrage==== | | ====Woman suffrage==== |
| − | In the 1910s, suffragists campaigned for the passage of a federal constitutional amendment that would grant women the right to vote. They argued it would purify politics because the new voters would be far lessliable to corruption and saloon influences. The movement was led by Protesntant northern women, many of whom were active in the prohibition movement at the same time. Both the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the National Women's Party (NWP) used symbolic representations of President Wilson, conferring on him real or symbolic images of presidential power. In practice Wilson hedged, realizing that male Democrats in the bg city machines in the North and in the rural South were hostile to woman suffrage. The meaning of democracy was at issue: the NWP portrayed Wilson as a tyrant, the NAWSA depicted him as a champion of freedom. Both organizations played essential roles in the passage of the 19th Amendment. After 1919, the absence of a common goal was a contributing factor to the subsequent divisions within the woman's rights movement, as was the loss of a unique adversary. | + | In the 1910s, suffragists campaigned for the passage of a federal constitutional amendment that would grant women the right to vote. They argued it would purify politics because the new voters would be far lessliable to corruption and saloon influences. The movement was led by Protesntant northern women, many of whom were active in the prohibition movement at the same time. Wilson, originally opposed to the amendment, was converted through the efforts of women suffragists and became an advocate of critical importance. Both the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the National Women's Party (NWP) used symbolic representations of President Wilson, conferring on him real or symbolic images of presidential power. In practice Wilson hedged, realizing that male Democrats in the bg city machines in the North and in the rural South were hostile to woman suffrage. The meaning of democracy was at issue: the NWP portrayed Wilson as a tyrant, the NAWSA depicted him as a champion of freedom. Both organizations played essential roles in the passage of the 19th Amendment. After 1919, the absence of a common goal was a contributing factor to the subsequent divisions within the woman's rights movement, as was the loss of a unique adversary.<ref> Christine A. Lunardini, and Thomas J. Knock, Woodrow Wilson and Woman Suffrage: A New Look. Political Science Quarterly; 1980-1981 95(4): 655-671, [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2150609 in JSTOR]</ref> |
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| | ===Second term=== | | ===Second term=== |