Changes

He agreed with [[Theodore Roosevelt]] that the purpose of diplomacy was not to attempt the  impossible but to deal realistically with the existing balance of power. During World War I he was a staff assistant to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker, and a special  adviser to [[Colonel House]], President [[Woodrow Wilson]]’s top foreign policy advisor.  Lippmann helped draft Wilson’s [[Fourteen Points]] in 1918, which became the basis for ending the war and restructuring world affairs at the [[Paris Peace Conference]] in 1919, where he was advisor to House. In the 1920s he was editorial page editor of the influential Democratic newspaper the ''New  York World'', and sharply criticized the foreign policy of Harding and Coolidge for ignoring the League of Nations.  When the ''World'' closed in 1931 he started his newspaper column ''Today and Tomorrow'' for the Republican paper the ''New York Herald Tribune''. It was syndicated to 200 dailies across the country and continued until 1967.

He agreed with [[Theodore Roosevelt]] that the purpose of diplomacy was not to attempt the  impossible but to deal realistically with the existing balance of power. During World War I he was a staff assistant to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker, and a special  adviser to [[Colonel House]], President [[Woodrow Wilson]]’s top foreign policy advisor.  Lippmann helped draft Wilson’s [[Fourteen Points]] in 1918, which became the basis for ending the war and restructuring world affairs at the [[Paris Peace Conference]] in 1919, where he was advisor to House. In the 1920s he was editorial page editor of the influential Democratic newspaper the ''New  York World'', and sharply criticized the foreign policy of Harding and Coolidge for ignoring the League of Nations.  When the ''World'' closed in 1931 he started his newspaper column ''Today and Tomorrow'' for the Republican paper the ''New York Herald Tribune''. It was syndicated to 200 dailies across the country and continued until 1967.

==Public Opinion==

==Public Opinion==

In the 1920s philosopher [[John Dewey]] (1859-1952) engaged in a major debate with Lippmann on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref>

In the 1920s philosopher [[John Dewey]] (1859-1952) engaged in a major debate with Lippmann on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref>

==Manipulation of Public Opinion==

==Manipulation of Public Opinion==

In 1922, Walter Lippmann published his book "Public Opinion" <ref>Walter Lippmann, ''[http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/6456 Public Opinion]''</ref> which at the time presented a major milestone in marking the ability of a journalist to manipulate their readers and viewers.  The phrase "Manufacture of Consent" is directly attributed to Walter Lippmann <ref>p. 13, Noam Chomsky, ''Letters from Lexington: Reflections on Propaganda'', Paradigm Publishers 2004.</ref> from his book "Public Opinion".  He wrote: <ref>Walter Lippmann, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=eLobn4WwbLUC&pg=PA248]'', p. 248</ref>

In 1922, Walter Lippmann published his book "Public Opinion" <ref>Walter Lippmann, ''[http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/6456 Public Opinion]''</ref> which at the time presented a major milestone in marking the ability of a journalist to manipulate their readers and viewers.  The phrase "Manufacture of Consent" is directly attributed to Walter Lippmann <ref>p. 13, Noam Chomsky, ''Letters from Lexington: Reflections on Propaganda'', Paradigm Publishers 2004.</ref> from his book "Public Opinion".  He wrote: <ref>Walter Lippmann, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=eLobn4WwbLUC&pg=PA248]'', p. 248</ref>

==Politics==

==Politics==

In 1937 Lippmann attacked President Franklin D. Roosevelt's plan to reorganize the Supreme Court, which reflected Lippmann's growing criticism of the New Deal. Although he originally supported Roosevelt's policies, Lippmann felt that the president was placing the American constitutional system in danger by setting illegal precedents.<ref> Frederic Krome, "From Liberal Philosophy to Conservative Ideology? Walter Lippmann's Opposition to the New Deal" ''Journal of American Culture'' 1987 10(1): 57-64. 0191-1813 </ref>  

In 1937 Lippmann attacked President Franklin D. Roosevelt's plan to reorganize the Supreme Court, which reflected Lippmann's growing criticism of the New Deal. Although he originally supported Roosevelt's policies, Lippmann felt that the president was placing the American constitutional system in danger by setting illegal precedents.<ref> Frederic Krome, "From Liberal Philosophy to Conservative Ideology? Walter Lippmann's Opposition to the New Deal" ''Journal of American Culture'' 1987 10(1): 57-64. 0191-1813 </ref>  

==Cold War==

==Cold War==

Lippmann is accredited with popularizing the phrase "[[Cold War]]" to describe the breakdown of the [[World War II]] [[Allied Powers]] alliance and the growing post-war tensions. Although he opposed Communism<ref> The [[Jacob Golos|Golos spy ring]] used [[Mary Price]], his secretary, to garner information on items Lippmann chose not to write about or names of Lippmann's sources, often not carried in stories, but of use to the [[MGB]].</ref> he adopted a "realist" position in foreign policy in the 1940s and opposed idealistic goals such as [[Wilsonianism]]-- even though he had been a leading advocate of idealism in 1917-1918. He was distrustful of globalism or excessive involvements around the world.  In the 1960s he was an articulate opponent on the [[War in Vietnam]], saying it weakened America's ability to fight the true Soviet adversary.<ref> Fredrik Logevall, "First Among Critics: Walter Lippmann and the Vietnam War." ''Journal of American-East Asian Relations'' 1995 4 (4): 351-375.</ref>  

Lippmann is accredited with popularizing the phrase "[[Cold War]]" to describe the breakdown of the [[World War II]] [[Allied Powers]] alliance and the growing post-war tensions. Although he opposed Communism<ref> The [[Jacob Golos|Golos spy ring]] used [[Mary Price]], his secretary, to garner information on items Lippmann chose not to write about or names of Lippmann's sources, often not carried in stories, but of use to the [[MGB]].</ref> he adopted a "realist" position in foreign policy in the 1940s and opposed idealistic goals such as [[Wilsonianism]]-- even though he had been a leading advocate of idealism in 1917-1918. He was distrustful of globalism or excessive involvements around the world.  In the 1960s he was an articulate opponent on the [[War in Vietnam]], saying it weakened America's ability to fight the true Soviet adversary.<ref> Fredrik Logevall, "First Among Critics: Walter Lippmann and the Vietnam War." ''Journal of American-East Asian Relations'' 1995 4 (4): 351-375.</ref>  

==Conservatism==

==Conservatism==

Starting as a Socialist, Lippmann moved right through most of his life, becoming a conservative in the 1930s and an advocate of [[Natural Law]]<ref> ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', Morton White, [[Harvard University]] Press, 1959 p.112</ref>.   

Starting as a Socialist, Lippmann moved right through most of his life, becoming a conservative in the 1930s and an advocate of [[Natural Law]]<ref> ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', Morton White, [[Harvard University]] Press, 1959 p.112</ref>.

 

* ''Notes on the Crisis'', (1932)

==Further reading==

==Further reading==