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| − | The '''First Party System''' is the term political scientists and historians give to the political system governing the United States between 1792 and the early 1820s. It featured two national parties that competed for control of the Presidency, Congress, and the states: the '''[[Federalist Party]]''' (created by [[Alexander Hamilton]]) and the '''[[Democratic-Republican Party]]''' (or '''Jeffersonian Republican Party''') (created by [[Thomas Jefferson]] and [[James Madison]]). Partisan politics virtually ended during the [[Era of Good Feelings]] (1816-1824), as the Federalists shrank to a few isolated strongholds. In 1824-28, as the [[Second Party System]] emerged, the Democratic-Republican Party split into the Jacksonian faction (which became the modern Democratic Party in the 1830s) and the [[Henry Clay]] faction which became the [[Whigs|Whig Party]]. | + | The '''First Party System''' is the term political scientists and historians give to the political system governing the United States between 1792 and 1828. It featured two national parties that competed for control of the Presidency, Congress, and the states: the '''[[Federalist Party]]''' created by [[Alexander Hamilton]], and the '''[[Jeffersonian Republicans]]''' created by [[Thomas Jefferson]] and [[James Madison]]. Partisan politics virtually ended during the [[Era of Good Feelings]] (1816-1824), as the Federalists shrank to a few isolated strongholds. In 1824-28, as the [[Second Party System]] emerged, the Republicans split into the Jacksonian faction (which became the modern Democratic Party in the 1830s) and the [[Henry Clay]] faction which became the [[Whig Party]]. Throughout the period the two parties contested elections vigorously, but if defeated they did not rebel. Instead they formed an opposition that vetted the programs of the dominant party and attempted to build a winning coalition for the next election. |
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| | + | ==Idea of a party system== |
| | + | Hofstadter (1969) finds the “idea of a party system” in the pluralistic, antiparty attitudes in the young Republic, especially those of [[James Madison]], primary author of the Constitution (1788) and cofounder of the Republican party (1792). Americans did not respect English parties of the 18th century, which were shifting coalitions of politicians in Parliament and not based on the opinions of voters. Colonial American "pre-parties" practiced a vigorous, experience-yielding factionalism. However, deferential colonial politics (as in Virginia) elected men not for their proposals but for their reputation. Liberty and [[republicanism]], the basic values of the Founding Fathers, were to be protected by legislative checks since the checks of the political process were suspect. Ideally, two houses, rather than two parties, would check each other. In advocating the Constitution, antiparty thinkers such as Madison actually were establishing the major force in creating two great parties. Madison envisioned a pluralism among the parties rather than within them. He did not foresee parties as great, bland, enveloping coalitions. Because he feared the tyranny of a majority faction, Madison sought pluralism through a large republic and through majorities made up of weak, precarious coalitions. His view of pluralism owed much to his understanding of the liberties of religious dissent; parties were to resemble the multiplicity of religious sects, as in Virginia.<ref>Richard Hofstadter, ''The Idea of a Party System: The Rise of Legitimate Opposition in the United States, 1780-1840'' (1969).</ref> |
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| | ==Washington Administration (1789–1797)== | | ==Washington Administration (1789–1797)== |
| − | At first there were no parties in the new nation. Factions soon formed around such dominant personalities as Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton and Secretary of State [[Thomas Jefferson]], who opposed Hamilton's broad vision of a powerful government. Jefferson especially objected to Hamilton's flexible view of the [[U.S. Constitution|Constitution]], which Hamilton stretched to include a national bank. Washington was re-elected without opposition in 1792. | + | At first there were no parties in the new nation. Factions soon formed around such dominant personalities as Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton and Secretary of State [[Thomas Jefferson]], who opposed Hamilton's broad vision of a powerful government. Jefferson especially objected to Hamilton's flexible view of the [[U.S. Constitution|Constitution]], which Hamilton stretched to include a national bank. Washington was re-elected without opposition in 1792. |
| | [[Image:Hamilt$$.jpg|thumb|425px|left]] | | [[Image:Hamilt$$.jpg|thumb|425px|left]] |
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| − | Hamilton built a national network of supporters that emerged about 1792–93 as the Federalist Party. In response, Jefferson and Madison built a network of supporters in Congress, then reached out to state leaders; their party emerged in 1792-93 as the ''Republican party''<ref> [http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mtj:@field%28DOCID+@lit%28tj060237%29%29 Thomas Jefferson to President Washington, May 23, 1792] "The republican party, who wish to preserve the government in it's present form, are fewer in number. They are fewer even when joined by the two, three, or half dozen anti-federalists,..."<br>[http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=mjm&fileName=05/mjm05.db&recNum=591 James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, March 2, 1794.] "I see by a paper of last evening that even in New York a meeting of the people has taken place, at the instance of the Republican Party, and that a committee is appointed for the like purpose." </ref> The elections of 1792 were the first to be contested on anything resembling a partisan basis. In most states, the congressional elections were recognized in some sense, as Jefferson strategist [[John Beckley]] put it, as a "struggle between the Treasury department and the republican interest." In New York, the race for governor was organized along these lines. The candidates were [[John Jay]], a Hamiltonian, and incumbent [[George Clinton]], who was allied with Jefferson and the Republicans. <ref>Elkins and McKitrick, p. 288</ref> | + | Hamilton built a national network of supporters that emerged about 1792–93 as the Federalist Party. In response, Jefferson and Madison built a network of supporters in Congress, then reached out to state leaders; their party emerged in 1792-93 as the ''Republicans''<ref>[http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/mtj:@field%28DOCID+@lit%28tj060237%29%29 Thomas Jefferson to President Washington, May 23, 1792] "The republican party, who wish to preserve the government in it's [sic] present form, are fewer in number. They are fewer even when joined by the two, three, or half dozen anti-federalists,..."<br>[http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=mjm&fileName=05/mjm05.db&recNum=591 James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, March 2, 1794.] "I see by a paper of last evening that even in New York a meeting of the people has taken place, at the instance of the Republican Party, and that a committee is appointed for the like purpose."</ref> The elections of 1792 were the first to be contested on anything resembling a partisan basis. In most states, the congressional elections were recognized in some sense, as Jefferson strategist [[John Beckley]] put it, as a "struggle between the Treasury department and the republican interest." In New York, the race for governor was organized along these lines. The candidates were [[John Jay]], a Hamiltonian, and incumbent [[George Clinton]], who was allied with Jefferson and the Republicans.<ref>Elkins and McKitrick, p. 288</ref> |
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| − | In 1793, the first [[Democratic-Republican Societies]] were formed. They supported the [[French Revolution]], which had just seen the execution of King [[Louis XVI]], and generally supported the Jeffersonian cause. The word "democrat" was proposed by [[Citizen Genet]] for the societies, and the Federalists quickly began to ridicule Jefferson's friends as "democrats". After Washington denounced the societies as unrepublican, they mostly faded away. | + | In 1793, the first [[Democratic-Republican societies]] were formed. They supported the [[French Revolution]], which had just seen the execution of king [[Louis XVI]], and generally supported the Jeffersonian cause. The word "democrat" was proposed by [[Citizen Genet]] for the societies, and the Federalists quickly began to ridicule Jefferson's friends as "democrats". After Washington denounced the societies as unrepublican, they mostly faded away. |
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| | In 1793, war broke out between Britain and France. The Jeffersonians favored France and pointed to the 1778 treaty that was still in effect. Washington and his unanimous cabinet (including Jefferson) decided the treaty did not bind the U.S. to enter the war; instead Washington proclaimed neutrality. | | In 1793, war broke out between Britain and France. The Jeffersonians favored France and pointed to the 1778 treaty that was still in effect. Washington and his unanimous cabinet (including Jefferson) decided the treaty did not bind the U.S. to enter the war; instead Washington proclaimed neutrality. |
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| − | [[Image:Fed-vs-r.jpg|thumb|425px]] | + | [[Image:Fed-vs-r.jpg|thumb]] |
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| − | When war threatened with Britain in 1794, Washington sent [[John Jay]] to negotiate the [[Jay treaty]] with Britain; it was signed in late 1794, and ratified in 1795. It averted a possible war and settled many (but not all) the outstanding issues between the U.S. and Britain., <ref>Elkins and McKitrick, 405-12</ref> the Jeffersonians vehemently denounced it as a sell-out to Britain, saying it threatened to undermine republicanism by giving the aristocratic British and their Federalist allies too much influence. The Federalists said it avoided war, reduced the Indian threat, created good trade relations with the world's foremost economic power, and ended lingering disputes from the Revolutionary War. The Federalists used the enormous prestige of President Washington to secure senate approval by the needed 2/3 vote.<ref>Elkins and McKitrick, 417-8; Goodman (1964) 71-2.</ref> The fierce debates over the Jay Treaty in 1794-96 according to William Nisbet Chambers, nationalized politics and turned a faction in Congress into a nationwide party. To fight the treaty the Jeffersonians "established coordination in activity between leaders at the capital, and leaders, actives and popular followings in the states, counties and towns." <ref> Chambers, ''Political Parties'' p. 80</ref> When Jefferson came to power in 1801 he honored the Jay treaty, but new disputes with Britain ended friendly relations in 1805 and led to the [[War of 1812]]. <ref>Miller, ''Federalist Era'' pp 165-78</ref> | + | When war threatened with Britain in 1794, Washington sent [[John Jay]] to negotiate the [[Jay treaty]] with Britain; it was signed in late 1794, and ratified in 1795. It averted a possible war and settled many (but not all) the outstanding issues between the U.S. and Britain.,<ref>Elkins and McKitrick, 405-12</ref> the Jeffersonians vehemently denounced it as a sell-out to Britain, saying it threatened to undermine republicanism by giving the aristocratic British and their Federalist allies too much influence. The Federalists said it avoided war, reduced the Indian threat, created good trade relations with the world's foremost economic power, and ended lingering disputes from the Revolutionary War. The Federalists used the enormous prestige of President Washington to secure senate approval by the needed 2/3 vote.<ref>Elkins and McKitrick, 417-8; Goodman (1964) 71-2.</ref> The fierce debates over the Jay Treaty in 1794-96 according to William Nisbet Chambers, nationalized politics and turned a faction in Congress into a nationwide party. To fight the treaty the Jeffersonians "established coordination in activity between leaders at the capital, and leaders, actives and popular followings in the states, counties and towns."<ref>Chambers, ''Political Parties'' p. 80</ref> When Jefferson came to power in 1801 he honored the Jay treaty, but new disputes with Britain ended friendly relations in 1805 and led to the [[War of 1812]].<ref>Miller, ''Federalist Era'' pp 165-78</ref> |
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| | + | In 1796 Jefferson challenged [[John Adams]] for the presidency and lost. The [[Electoral College]] made the decision, and it was chosen by the state legislatures, which still lacked parties. |
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| − | In 1796 Jefferson challenged [[John Adams]] for the presidency and lost. The [[Electoral College]] made the decision, and it was chosen by the state legislatures, which still lacked parties.
| + | ==Newspapers as party weapons== |
| | + | [[Newspaper]]s became party weapons. [[John Fenno]] began publishing his ''Gazette of the United States'' in April 1789 hoping it would become the official paper of the new government; soon Hamilton was encouraging and subsidizing him. Jefferson and Madison persuaded [[Philip M. Freneau]], a brilliant poet, to found the ''National Gazette'' in Philadelphia in October 1791. The ''National Gazette'' at first served as a successful political tool for the Jeffersonians as it defined arguments against Hamilton's policies while rebutting Fenno's editorials. The ''National Gazette'' collapsed in 1793 due to weak circulation and the political fallout over Jefferson and Madison's financial involvement in founding the paper. |
| | + | [[Image:NEWS1800.JPG|thumb|left|rapid growth of party newspapers]] |
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| − | ==Newspapers as party weapons==
| + | Hamilton set up his own stable of Federalist papers. His editor in New York City was [[Noah Webster]]. In 1793, Hamilton loaned him $1500 to move to New York City and edit a newspaper for the new [[Federalist Party]]. In December Webster founded New York's first daily newspaper, ''American Minerva'' (later known as ''The Commercial Advertiser''). He edited it for four years, writing the equivalent of 20 volumes of articles and editorials. He also published the semi-weekly publication, ''The Herald, A Gazette for the country'' (later known as ''The New York Spectator''). As a partisan, he soon was denounced by the Republicans as "a pusillanimous, half-begotten, self-dubbed patriot," "an incurable lunatic," and "a deceitful newsmonger ... Pedagogue and Quack." Fellow Federalist Cobbett labelled him "a traitor to the cause of Federalism", calling him "a toad in the service of sans-cullottism," "a prostitute wretch," "a great fool, and a barefaced liar," "a spiteful viper," and "a maniacal pedant." The master of words was distressed. Even the use of words like "the people," "democracy," and "equality" in public debate bothered him, for such words were "metaphysical abstractions that either have no meaning, or at least none that mere mortals can comprehend."<ref>Joseph Ellis, ''After the Revolution: Profiles of Early American Culture'' (1979) pp 199, 206.</ref> |
| − | [[Image:~party3.JPG|thumb|330px|Federalist poster about 1800. Washington (in heaven) tells partisans to keep the pillars of Federalism, Republicanism and Democracy]] | |
| − | Pasley (2000) shows John Fenno began publishing his ''Gazette of the United States'' in April 1789 hoping it would become the official paper of the new government; soon Hamilton was encouraging and subsidizing him. Jefferson and Madison persuaded Philip M. Freneau, a brilliant poet, to found the ''National Gazette'' in Philadelphia in October 1791. The ''National Gazette'' at first served as a successful political tool for the Jeffersonians as it defined arguments against Hamilton's policies while rebutting Fenno's editorials. The ''National Gazette'' collapsed in 1793 due to weak circulation and the political fallout over Jefferson and Madison's financial involvement in founding the paper.
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| − | [[Image:NEWS1800.JPG|thumb|275px|left|rapid growth of party newspapers]]
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| − | By 1796, both parties had a national network of newspapers, which attacked each other vehemently. In 1802 the New York ''Evening Post,'' with large amounts of advertising by Federalist merchants, published a daily edition for 1100 subscribers in the city, and a weekly edition that circulated to 1600 subscribers nationwide. The Federalist and Republican newspapers of the 1790s traded vicious barbs. Hamilton's vices, both personal and political, were favorite targets, as shown by this doggerel from a Democratic-Republican paper: <ref>''Independent Chronicle'' (Boston), 16 October 1797 quoted in Carol Sue Humphrey, ''The Revolutionary Era: Primary Documents on Events from 1776 to 1800'' (2003) p, 260</ref> | + | By 1796, both parties had a national network of newspapers, which attacked each other vehemently. In 1802 the New York ''Evening Post,'' with large amounts of advertising by Federalist merchants, published a daily edition for 1100 subscribers in the city, and a weekly edition that circulated to 1600 subscribers nationwide. The Federalist and Republican newspapers of the 1790s traded vicious barbs. Hamilton's vices, both personal and political, were favorite targets, as shown by this doggerel from a Jeffersonian paper:<ref>''Independent Chronicle'' (Boston), 16 October 1797 quoted in Carol Sue Humphrey, ''The Revolutionary Era: Primary Documents on Events from 1776 to 1800'' (2003) p, 260.</ref> |
| | *'''A'''SK—who lies here beneath this monument? | | *'''A'''SK—who lies here beneath this monument? |
| | *'''L''' o!—’tis a self created MONSTER, who | | *'''L''' o!—’tis a self created MONSTER, who |
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| | ==Inventing campaign techniques== | | ==Inventing campaign techniques== |
| − | Both parties invented entirely new campaign techniques that became the core of American political practice. The Federalists took the lead in building a network of newspapers in major cities to broadcast their statements and editorialize in their favor. In 1796 the Federalist papers outnumbered the Republicans by 4-1. Every year more paper began publishing; in 1800 the Federalists still had a 2-1 numerical advantage. Most papers, on each side, were weeklies with a circulation of 300 to 1000.<ref> Stewart, ''Opposition Press, p. 622</ref> Jefferson systematically subsidized the editors. [[Fisher Ames]], a leading Federalist, who used the term "Jacobin" to link Jefferson's followers to the terrorists of the French Revolution, blamed the newspapers for electing Jefferson. They were, he wrote, "an overmatch for any Government.... The Jacobins owe their triumph to the unceasing use of this engine; not so much to skill in use of it as by repetition." <ref>Cunningham, 1957 p 167</ref> Historians echo Ames' assessment. As one explains, "It was the good fortune of the Republicans to have within their ranks a number of highly gifted political manipulators and propagandists. Some of them had the ability... to not only see and analyze the problem at hand but to present it in a succinct fashion; in short, to fabricate the apt phrase, to coin the compelling slogan and appeal to the electorate on any given issue in language it could understand." Outstanding phrasemakers included editor [[William Duane]] and party leaders [[Albert Gallatin]], [[Thomas Cooper]] and of course Jefferson himself. <ref>Tinkcom 271</ref> Meanwhile [[John J. Beckley]] of Pennsylvania, an ardent partisan, invented new campaign techniques (such as mass distribution of pamphlets and handwritten ballots) that generated the grass-roots support and unprecedented levels of voter turnout for the Jeffersonians. | + | Both parties invented entirely new campaign techniques that became the core of American political practice. The Federalists took the lead in building a network of newspapers in major cities to broadcast their statements and editorialize in their favor. In 1796 the Federalist papers outnumbered the Republicans by 4-1. Every year more paper began publishing; in 1800 the Federalists still had a 2-1 numerical advantage. Most papers, on each side, were weeklies with a circulation of 300 to 1000.<ref>Stewart, ''Opposition Press, p. 622</ref> Jefferson systematically subsidized the editors. [[Fisher Ames]], a leading Federalist, who used the term "Jacobin" to link Jefferson's followers to the terrorists of the French Revolution, blamed the newspapers for electing Jefferson. They were, he wrote, "an overmatch for any Government.... The Jacobins owe their triumph to the unceasing use of this engine; not so much to skill in use of it as by repetition." <ref>Cunningham, 1957 p 167</ref> Historians echo Ames' assessment. As one explains, "It was the good fortune of the Republicans to have within their ranks a number of highly gifted political manipulators and propagandists. Some of them had the ability... to not only see and analyze the problem at hand but to present it in a succinct fashion; in short, to fabricate the apt phrase, to coin the compelling slogan and appeal to the electorate on any given issue in language it could understand." Outstanding phrasemakers included editor [[William Duane]] and party leaders [[Albert Gallatin]], [[Thomas Cooper]] and of course Jefferson himself.<ref>Tinkcom 271</ref> Meanwhile [[John J. Beckley]] of Pennsylvania, an ardent partisan, invented new campaign techniques (such as mass distribution of pamphlets and handwritten ballots) that generated the grass-roots support and unprecedented levels of voter turnout for the Jeffersonians. |
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| − | In 1798 the disputes with France led to a [[Quasi-War]], an undeclared naval war involving the navies and merchant ships of both countries. Democratic-Republicans said France really wanted peace, but the [[XYZ Affair]] undercut their position. Warning that full-scale war with France was imminent, Hamilton and his "High Federalist" allies forced the issue by getting Congressional approval to raise a large new army (which Hamilton controlled), replete with officers' commissions (which he bestowed on his partisans). The [[Alien and Sedition Act]] (1798) clamped down on dissenters, including pro-Jefferson editors, and Vermont Congressman [[Matthew Lyon]], who won re-election while in jail in 1798. In the [[Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions]] (1798), secretly drafted by Madison and Jefferson, the legislatures of the two states challenged the power of the federal government.<ref>Miller, ''Federalist Era'' pp 210-43</ref> | + | In 1798 the disputes with France led to a [[Quasi-War]], an undeclared naval war involving the navies and merchant ships of both countries. The Republicans said France really wanted peace, but the [[XYZ Affair]] undercut their position. Warning that full-scale war with France was imminent, Hamilton and his "High Federalist" allies forced the issue by getting Congressional approval to raise a large new army (which Hamilton controlled), replete with officers' commissions (which he bestowed on his partisans). The [[Alien and Sedition Act]] (1798) clamped down on dissenters, including pro-Jefferson editors, and Vermont Congressman [[Matthew Lyon]], who won re-election while in jail in 1798. In the [[Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions]] (1798), secretly drafted by Madison and Jefferson, the legislatures of the two states challenged the power of the federal government.<ref>Miller, ''Federalist Era'' pp 210-43</ref> |
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| | ==Jefferson and the revolution of 1800== | | ==Jefferson and the revolution of 1800== |
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| | The Jeffersonian majority in Congress and key states was so large that it tended to split into factions. The minority faction, which tended to collaborate with Federalists, was called ''[[Quids]]'' in Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia, though the three groups were not directly connected. After years as Jefferson's leader in the House, [[John Randolph of Roanoke]] led a split-away faction in Congress called Quids. | | The Jeffersonian majority in Congress and key states was so large that it tended to split into factions. The minority faction, which tended to collaborate with Federalists, was called ''[[Quids]]'' in Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia, though the three groups were not directly connected. After years as Jefferson's leader in the House, [[John Randolph of Roanoke]] led a split-away faction in Congress called Quids. |
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| − | As president, Jefferson worked to cleanse the government of Adam's "midnight" Federalist appointments made days before Jefferson took office. He withheld the commissions of 25 of 42 midnight appointment judges and removed Army officers. The sense that the nation needed two rival parties to balance each other had not been fully accepted by either party; Hamilton had viewed Jefferson's election as the failure of the Federalist experiment. The rhetoric of the day was cataclysmic—election of the opposition meant the enemy would ruin the nation. Jefferson's foreign policy was not exactly pro-Napoleon, but it applied pressure on Britain to stop impressment of American sailors and other hostile acts. By engineering an [[Embargo Act of 1807|embargo]] of trade against Britain, Jefferson and Madison plunged the nation into economic depression, ruined much of the business of Federalist New England, and finally precipitated the [[War of 1812]] with a much larger and more powerful foe. <ref> Smelser, ''Democratic Republic''</ref> | + | As president, Jefferson worked to cleanse the government of Adam's "midnight" Federalist appointments made days before Jefferson took office. He withheld the commissions of 25 of 42 midnight appointment judges and removed Army officers. The sense that the nation needed two rival parties to balance each other had not been fully accepted by either party; Hamilton had viewed Jefferson's election as the failure of the Federalist experiment. The rhetoric of the day was cataclysmic—election of the opposition meant the enemy would ruin the nation. Jefferson's foreign policy was not exactly pro-Napoleon, but it applied pressure on Britain to stop impressment of American sailors and other hostile acts. By engineering an [[Embargo Act of 1807|embargo]] of trade against Britain, Jefferson and Madison plunged the nation into economic depression, ruined much of the business of Federalist New England, and finally precipitated the [[War of 1812]] with a much larger and more powerful foe.<ref>Smelser, ''Democratic Republic''</ref> |
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| − | The Federalists vigorously criticized the government, and gained strength in the industrial Northeast. However, they committed a major blunder in 1814. That year the semi-secret "[[Hartford Convention]]" passed resolutions that verged on secession; their publication ruined the Federalist party. It had been limping along for years, with strength in New England and scattered eastern states but practically no strength in the West. While Federalists helped invent or develop numerous campaign techniques (such as conventions), their elitist bias alienated the middle class, thus allowing the Jeffersonians to claim they represented the true spirit of "republicanism."<ref> Banner, ''To the Hartford Convention'' (1970)</ref> | + | The Federalists vigorously criticized the government, and gained strength in the industrial Northeast. However, they committed a major blunder in 1814. That year the semi-secret "[[Hartford Convention]]" passed resolutions that verged on secession; their publication ruined the Federalist party. It had been limping along for years, with strength in New England and scattered eastern states but practically no strength in the West. While Federalists helped invent or develop numerous campaign techniques (such as conventions), their elitist bias alienated the middle class, thus allowing the Jeffersonians to claim they represented the true spirit of "republicanism."<ref>Banner, ''To the Hartford Convention'' (1970)</ref> |
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| | ==State parties== | | ==State parties== |
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| | ===Connecticut=== | | ===Connecticut=== |
| | New England was always the stronghold of the Federalist party. One historian explains how well organized it was in Connecticut: | | New England was always the stronghold of the Federalist party. One historian explains how well organized it was in Connecticut: |
| − | :It was only necessary to perfect the working methods of the organized body of office-holders who made up the nucleus of the party. There were the state officers, the assistants, and a large majority of the Assembly. In every county there was a sheriff with his deputies. All of the state, county, and town judges were potential and generally active workers. Every town had several justices of the peace, school directors and, in Federalist towns, all the town officers who were ready to carry on the party's work.... Militia officers, state's attorneys, lawyers, professors and schoolteachers were in the van of this "conscript army." In all, about a thousand or eleven hundred dependent officer-holders were described as the inner ring which could always be depended upon for their own and enough more votes within their control to decide an election. This was the Federalist machine. <ref>Richard J. Purcell, ''Connecticut in Transition: 1775-1818'' 1963. p. 190.</ref> | + | :It was only necessary to perfect the working methods of the organized body of office-holders who made up the nucleus of the party. There were the state officers, the assistants, and a large majority of the Assembly. In every county there was a sheriff with his deputies. All of the state, county, and town judges were potential and generally active workers. Every town had several justices of the peace, school directors and, in Federalist towns, all the town officers who were ready to carry on the party's work.... Militia officers, state's attorneys, lawyers, professors and schoolteachers were in the van of this "conscript army." In all, about a thousand or eleven hundred dependent officer-holders were described as the inner ring which could always be depended upon for their own and enough more votes within their control to decide an election. This was the Federalist machine.<ref>Richard J. Purcell, ''Connecticut in Transition: 1775-1818'' 1963. p. 190.</ref> |
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| | Given the power of the Federalists the Republicans had to work harder to win. In 1806, the Connecticut state Republican leadership sent town leaders instructions for the forthcoming elections. Every town manager was told by state leaders "to appoint a district manager in each district or section of his town, obtaining from each an assurance that he will faithfully do his duty." Then the town manager was instructed to compile lists and total up the number of taxpayers, the number of eligible voters, how many were "decided republicans," "decided federalists," or "doubtful," and finally to count the number of supporters who were not currently eligible to vote but who might qualify (by age or taxes) at the next election. The returns eventually went to the state manager, who issues directions to laggard town to get all the eligibles to the town meetings, help the young men qualify to vote, to nominate a full ticket for local elections, and to print and distribute the party ticket. (The [[secret ballot]] did not appear for a century. ) <ref>Noble E. Cunningham, Jr. ''The Jeffersonian Republicans in Power: Party Operations 1801-1809'' (1963) p 129</ref> This highly coordinated "get-out-the-vote" drive would be familiar to modern political campaigners, but was the first of its kind in world history. | | Given the power of the Federalists the Republicans had to work harder to win. In 1806, the Connecticut state Republican leadership sent town leaders instructions for the forthcoming elections. Every town manager was told by state leaders "to appoint a district manager in each district or section of his town, obtaining from each an assurance that he will faithfully do his duty." Then the town manager was instructed to compile lists and total up the number of taxpayers, the number of eligible voters, how many were "decided republicans," "decided federalists," or "doubtful," and finally to count the number of supporters who were not currently eligible to vote but who might qualify (by age or taxes) at the next election. The returns eventually went to the state manager, who issues directions to laggard town to get all the eligibles to the town meetings, help the young men qualify to vote, to nominate a full ticket for local elections, and to print and distribute the party ticket. (The [[secret ballot]] did not appear for a century. ) <ref>Noble E. Cunningham, Jr. ''The Jeffersonian Republicans in Power: Party Operations 1801-1809'' (1963) p 129</ref> This highly coordinated "get-out-the-vote" drive would be familiar to modern political campaigners, but was the first of its kind in world history. |
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| | The United States by 1800 had the first two-party system in the world. The First Party System was built around foreign policy issues that vanished with the defeat of Napoleon and the compromise settlement of the [[War of 1812]]. Furthermore, the fears that Federalists were plotting to reintroduce aristocracy dissipated. Thus an "[[Era of Good Feelings]]" under [[James Monroe]] replaced the high-tension politics of the First Party System about 1816. Personal politics and factional disputes could occasionally still get nasty, but Americans no longer thought of themselves in terms of political parties. | | The United States by 1800 had the first two-party system in the world. The First Party System was built around foreign policy issues that vanished with the defeat of Napoleon and the compromise settlement of the [[War of 1812]]. Furthermore, the fears that Federalists were plotting to reintroduce aristocracy dissipated. Thus an "[[Era of Good Feelings]]" under [[James Monroe]] replaced the high-tension politics of the First Party System about 1816. Personal politics and factional disputes could occasionally still get nasty, but Americans no longer thought of themselves in terms of political parties. |
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| − | [http://books.google.com/books?ie=UTF-8&hl=en&vid=ISBN0813122716&id=aDHBSYXazMcC&pg=PA77&lpg=PA77&dq=%22first+party+system%22&vq=burnham&prev=http://books.google.com/books%3Fq%3D%2522first%2Bparty%2Bsystem%2522%26lr%3D%26client%3Dfirefox-a&sig=vXkP0ocY7EzVVoXzSRe6gB3AY0I Historians have debated the exact ending of the system]. Most concluded it petered out by 1820. The little state of Delaware, largely isolated from the larger political forces controlling the nation, saw the First Party System continue well into the 1820s, with the Federalists occasionally winning some offices. For the rest of the nation, the contributions of the founding fathers of political parties had been completed—and thus it seems symbolic that Adams and Jefferson died on the same day ([[4 July]] [[1826]]), even on their deathbeds acknowledging the other's remarkable contributions. | + | [https://books.google.com/books?ie=UTF-8&hl=en&vid=ISBN0813122716&id=aDHBSYXazMcC&pg=PA77&lpg=PA77&dq=%22first+party+system%22&vq=burnham&prev=https://books.google.com/books%3Fq%3D%2522first%2Bparty%2Bsystem%2522%26lr%3D%26client%3Dfirefox-a&sig=vXkP0ocY7EzVVoXzSRe6gB3AY0I Historians have debated the exact ending of the system]. Most concluded it petered out by 1820. The little state of Delaware, largely isolated from the larger political forces controlling the nation, saw the First Party System continue well into the 1820s, with the Federalists occasionally winning some offices. For the rest of the nation, the contributions of the founding fathers of political parties had been completed—and thus it seems symbolic that Adams and Jefferson died on the same day ([[4 July]] [[1826]]), even on their deathbeds acknowledging the other's remarkable contributions. |
| | | | |
| | ==Legitimacy of a party system== | | ==Legitimacy of a party system== |
| − | [[Image:1815.JPG|thumb|450px]]
| |
| | [[Alexander Hamilton]] felt that only by mobilizing its supporters on a daily basis in every state on many issues could support for the government be sustained through thick and thin. Newspapers were needed to communicate inside the party; patronage helped the party's leaders and made new friends. Hamilton, and especially Washington, distrusted the idea of an opposition party, as shown in [[George Washington]]'s "Farewell Address" of 1796. They thought opposition parties would only weaken the nation. By contrast Jefferson was the main force behind the creation and continuity of an opposition party. He deeply felt the Federalists represented aristocratic forces hostile to true republicanism and the true will of the people, as he explained in a letter to Henry Lee in 1824: | | [[Alexander Hamilton]] felt that only by mobilizing its supporters on a daily basis in every state on many issues could support for the government be sustained through thick and thin. Newspapers were needed to communicate inside the party; patronage helped the party's leaders and made new friends. Hamilton, and especially Washington, distrusted the idea of an opposition party, as shown in [[George Washington]]'s "Farewell Address" of 1796. They thought opposition parties would only weaken the nation. By contrast Jefferson was the main force behind the creation and continuity of an opposition party. He deeply felt the Federalists represented aristocratic forces hostile to true republicanism and the true will of the people, as he explained in a letter to Henry Lee in 1824: |
| | {{cquote|Men by their constitutions are naturally divided into two parties: 1. Those who fear and distrust the people, and wish to draw all powers from them into the hands of the higher classes. 2. Those who identify themselves with the people, have confidence in them, cherish and consider them as the most honest and safe, although not the most wise depositary of the public interests. In every country these two parties exist, and in every one where they are free to think, speak, and write, they will declare themselves. Call them, therefore, liberals and serviles, Jacobins and Ultras, whigs and tories, republicans and federalists, aristocrats and democrats, or by whatever name you please, they are the same parties still and pursue the same object. The last appellation of aristocrats and democrats is the true one expressing the essence of all."}} | | {{cquote|Men by their constitutions are naturally divided into two parties: 1. Those who fear and distrust the people, and wish to draw all powers from them into the hands of the higher classes. 2. Those who identify themselves with the people, have confidence in them, cherish and consider them as the most honest and safe, although not the most wise depositary of the public interests. In every country these two parties exist, and in every one where they are free to think, speak, and write, they will declare themselves. Call them, therefore, liberals and serviles, Jacobins and Ultras, whigs and tories, republicans and federalists, aristocrats and democrats, or by whatever name you please, they are the same parties still and pursue the same object. The last appellation of aristocrats and democrats is the true one expressing the essence of all."}} |
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| | ==See also== | | ==See also== |
| | *[[American election campaigns, 19th century]] | | *[[American election campaigns, 19th century]] |
| − | * [[Federalist Party]] | + | *[[Federalist Party]] |
| | *[[Second Party System]] | | *[[Second Party System]] |
| − | *[[Democratic-Republican Party]] | + | *[[Republicans (Jeffersonian)]] |
| | | | |
| | ==Bibliography == | | ==Bibliography == |
| | * ''Encyclopedia of the New American Nation, 1754–1829'' ed. by Paul Finkelman (2005), 1600 pp. | | * ''Encyclopedia of the New American Nation, 1754–1829'' ed. by Paul Finkelman (2005), 1600 pp. |
| − | * Banning, Lance. ''The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology'' (1978) [http://www.amazon.com/Jeffersonian-Persuasion-Evolution-Party-Ideology/dp/0801492009/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1195466092&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search] | + | * Banning, Lance. ''The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology'' (1978) [https://www.amazon.com/Jeffersonian-Persuasion-Evolution-Party-Ideology/dp/0801492009/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1195466092&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search] |
| | * Ben-Atar, Doron and Barbara B. Oberg, eds. ''Federalists Reconsidered'' (1999), topical essays by scholars | | * Ben-Atar, Doron and Barbara B. Oberg, eds. ''Federalists Reconsidered'' (1999), topical essays by scholars |
| | * Beard, Charles A. ''The Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy'' (1915) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=65989719 online edition] | | * Beard, Charles A. ''The Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy'' (1915) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=65989719 online edition] |
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| | * Goodman, Paul. "The First American Party System" in William Nisbet Chambers and Walter Dean Burnham, eds. ''The American Party Systems: Stages of Political Development'' (1967), 56–89. | | * Goodman, Paul. "The First American Party System" in William Nisbet Chambers and Walter Dean Burnham, eds. ''The American Party Systems: Stages of Political Development'' (1967), 56–89. |
| | * Hoadley, John F. "the Emergence of Political Parties in Congress, 1789-1803." ''American Political Science Review'' (1980) 74(3): 757-779. ISSN 0003-0554 Fulltext in Jstor. Looks at the agreement among members of Congress in their roll-call voting records. Multidimensional scaling shows the increased clustering of congressmen into two party blocs from 1789 to 1803, especially after the Jay Treaty debate; shows politics was moving away from sectionalism to organized parties. | | * Hoadley, John F. "the Emergence of Political Parties in Congress, 1789-1803." ''American Political Science Review'' (1980) 74(3): 757-779. ISSN 0003-0554 Fulltext in Jstor. Looks at the agreement among members of Congress in their roll-call voting records. Multidimensional scaling shows the increased clustering of congressmen into two party blocs from 1789 to 1803, especially after the Jay Treaty debate; shows politics was moving away from sectionalism to organized parties. |
| − | * Hofstadter, Richard. ''The Idea of a Party System: The Rise of Legitimate Opposition in the United States, 1780-1840'' (1970) [http://www.amazon.com/Idea-Party-System-Legitimate-Opposition/dp/0520017544/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1195466141&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search] | + | * Hofstadter, Richard. ''The Idea of a Party System: The Rise of Legitimate Opposition in the United States, 1780-1840'' (1970) [https://www.amazon.com/Idea-Party-System-Legitimate-Opposition/dp/0520017544/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1195466141&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search] |
| | * Keller, Morton. ''America's Three Regimes: A New Political History'' (2007) 384pp. | | * Keller, Morton. ''America's Three Regimes: A New Political History'' (2007) 384pp. |
| | * Kerber, Linda K. ''Federalists in Dissent: Imagery and ideology in Jeffersonian America'' (1970) | | * Kerber, Linda K. ''Federalists in Dissent: Imagery and ideology in Jeffersonian America'' (1970) |
| | * Larson, Edward J. ''A Magnificent Catastrophe: The Tumultuous Election of 1800, America's First Presidential Campaign.'' (2007). 333 pp. on 1800 [http://www.common-place.org/vol-08/no-03/reviews/opal.shtml online review] | | * Larson, Edward J. ''A Magnificent Catastrophe: The Tumultuous Election of 1800, America's First Presidential Campaign.'' (2007). 333 pp. on 1800 [http://www.common-place.org/vol-08/no-03/reviews/opal.shtml online review] |
| − | * Luetscher, George D. ''Early Political Machinery in the United States'' (1903) [http://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN1417929189&id=-jVl4dKjk3EC&printsec=toc&dq=Luetscher+Early&sig=dGjoRgvFHMBEnT3MYXYpI68rvl8 online edition] | + | * Luetscher, George D. ''Early Political Machinery in the United States'' (1903) [https://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN1417929189&id=-jVl4dKjk3EC&printsec=toc&dq=Luetscher+Early&sig=dGjoRgvFHMBEnT3MYXYpI68rvl8 online edition] |
| | * Miller, John C. ''The Federalist Era: 1789-1801'' (1960), survey of political history | | * Miller, John C. ''The Federalist Era: 1789-1801'' (1960), survey of political history |
| | * Pasley, Jeffrey L. et al eds. ''Beyond the Founders: New Approaches to the Political History of the Early American Republic'' (2004), topical essays by scholars | | * Pasley, Jeffrey L. et al eds. ''Beyond the Founders: New Approaches to the Political History of the Early American Republic'' (2004), topical essays by scholars |
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| | * Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. , "John Beckley: An Early American Party Manager," ''William and Mary Quarterly'', 13 (Jan. 1956), 40-52, [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0043-5597(195601)3%3A13%3A1%3C40%3AJBAEAP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-A in JSTOR] | | * Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. , "John Beckley: An Early American Party Manager," ''William and Mary Quarterly'', 13 (Jan. 1956), 40-52, [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0043-5597(195601)3%3A13%3A1%3C40%3AJBAEAP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-A in JSTOR] |
| | * Koch, Adrienne. ''Jefferson and Madison: The Great Collaboration.'' (1950). [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=8520360 online edition] | | * Koch, Adrienne. ''Jefferson and Madison: The Great Collaboration.'' (1950). [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=8520360 online edition] |
| − | * Malone, Dumas. ''Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty'' v 3; ''Jefferson the President: First Term 1801 - 1805'' vol 4; ''Jefferson the President: Second term, 1805-1809'' vol 5; (1948-70), the standard multivolume biography | + | * Malone, Dumas. ''Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty'' v 3; ''Jefferson the President: First Term 1801 - 1805'' vol 4; ''Jefferson the President: Second term, 1805-1809'' vol 5; (1948–70), the standard multivolume biography |
| | * Miller, John C. ''Alexander Hamilton: Portrait in Paradox'' (1959), full scale biography; [www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=97872357 online edition] | | * Miller, John C. ''Alexander Hamilton: Portrait in Paradox'' (1959), full scale biography; [www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=97872357 online edition] |
| | * Peterson, Merrill D. ''Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography'' (1975) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=82266123 online edition] | | * Peterson, Merrill D. ''Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography'' (1975) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=82266123 online edition] |
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| | * Humphrey, Carol Sue ''The Press of the Young Republic, 1783-1833'' (1996) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-press-of-the-young-republic-1783-1833-by-carol-sue-humphrey.jsp online edition] | | * Humphrey, Carol Sue ''The Press of the Young Republic, 1783-1833'' (1996) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-press-of-the-young-republic-1783-1833-by-carol-sue-humphrey.jsp online edition] |
| | * Knudson, Jerry W. ''Jefferson And the Press: Crucible of Liberty'' (2006) how 4 Republican and 4 Federalist papers covered election of 1800; Thomas Paine; Louisiana Purchase; Hamilton-Burr duel; impeachment of Chase; and the embargo | | * Knudson, Jerry W. ''Jefferson And the Press: Crucible of Liberty'' (2006) how 4 Republican and 4 Federalist papers covered election of 1800; Thomas Paine; Louisiana Purchase; Hamilton-Burr duel; impeachment of Chase; and the embargo |
| − | * Nevins, Allan. ''The Evening Post: A Century of Journalism'' (1922) [http://books.google.com/books?id=q-F2daxBy1AC&pg=PA7&dq=inauthor:allan+inauthor:nevins&num=30&as_brr=1#PPA5,M1 online edition] ch 1-2 | + | * Nevins, Allan. ''The Evening Post: A Century of Journalism'' (1922) [https://books.google.com/books?id=q-F2daxBy1AC&pg=PA7&dq=inauthor:allan+inauthor:nevins&num=30&as_brr=1#PPA5,M1 online edition] ch 1-2 |
| | * Pasley, Jeffrey L. ''"The Tyranny of Printers": Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic'' (2003) (ISBN 0-8139-2177-5) | | * Pasley, Jeffrey L. ''"The Tyranny of Printers": Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic'' (2003) (ISBN 0-8139-2177-5) |
| | * Pasley, Jeffrey L. "The Two National Gazettes: Newspapers and the Embodiment of American Political Parties." ''Early American Literature'' 2000 35(1): 51-86. Issn: 0012-8163 Fulltext: in Swetswise and Ebsco | | * Pasley, Jeffrey L. "The Two National Gazettes: Newspapers and the Embodiment of American Political Parties." ''Early American Literature'' 2000 35(1): 51-86. Issn: 0012-8163 Fulltext: in Swetswise and Ebsco |
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| | ==Notes== | | ==Notes== |
| | <references/> | | <references/> |
| − | [[Category:Politics]] | + | [[Category:United States Political Terms]] |
| | [[Category:United States History]] | | [[Category:United States History]] |
| | + | [[Category:Early National U.S.]] |
| | + | [[Category:Democratic Party]] |