Informe Rettig

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The Rettig Report was made during Patricio Aylwin's Government.

The Rettig Report (Informe Rettig) was a report elaborated by the Commision of "Of Truth and Reconciliation" (Comisión de Verdad y Reconciliación) created during the Patricio Aylwin's Government. The Commision was presided by jurist Raúl Rettig and was made up of eight members and was handled almost exclusively by consulting lawyers that were in favor of the Concertación coalition.

The basis of the Report was in the Archives of the "Vicariate of Solidarity of the Archbishopric of Santiago". The head of the archives of the Vicariate was at the same time a senior communist leader of the armed wing of that party, the Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front, José Manuel Parada.

The report objective was mainly to damage the Augusto Pinochet's Military Government reputation with incomplete information, hoaxes, and lies, the smear of Pinochet was obtained.

There was an impressive amount of statements taken in consideration in such a short time by the Rettig Commision that elaborated the report. Writing almost 98.5 statements per day, there was not even time to investigate whether the statements were false or not, to be able to discard. The declarators arrived, declared and got paid, the Report was made in 9 months.

The final report, or Rettig Report, was delivered by the Commission to the President of the Republic after nine months of work, as stated in the decree, on February 8, 1991. The "Rettig Report", was the price paid by Patricio Aylwin for the Left and Far Left to support him as a presidential candidate and, once elected, so that the Left would not return to revolutionary ways or make Aylwin's government impossible. The purpose of the Report was to alter the historical truth and its deepening came later, under the Ricardo Lagos government and through a grotesque "Valech Report", by means of which 28 thousand people obtained life pensions just for having declared themselves mistreated by someone during the military government. It was made by a commision called "Of Truth and Reconciliation" and there has been no truth nor reconciliation either, because the pardons, impunity and millionaire payments in compensation to terrorists or their relatives for having been denied their goal of establishing a totalitarian regime have not appeased them, but have made them more violent and aggressive.

The Report, had the fundamental purpose that all the dead and wounded in terrorists attacks made by the Left were now described as "victims of political violence" or "victims of private individuals acting for political motives", without ever naming the MIR, the communist FPMR, the armed PS itself, confessed by Altamirano, nor the MAPU and the Christian Left, which also had guerrilla troops. Now the attacks were attributed to nameless people. All the authors of attacks vanished in the narrative, in order to accuse the Military Government of using weapons against "opponents" or political "dissidents" for the mere fact of having a different opinion, supposedly any of them ever having seen an M-16 or a machine gun.[1]

In 1992 the National Corporation for Reparation and Reconciliation was created by Aylwin, the commissions were handled almost exclusively by consulting lawyers that were in favor of the Concertación coalition.

The Rettig Report said that between September 11 and December 31, 1973, 1,823 people died as a result of the infighting, that is, 57 % of all those killed during the almost 17 years of military government. Of these, 1,522 were killed by the Armed Forces and Carabineros, and 301 by Marxist guerrillas. Then it decreased to 309 in all of 1974 and 119 in all of 1975.[1] Between 1978 and 1990, less than two people per year disappeared due to fighting.[2]

The discrepancy between the number of dead in that period with the more than 1,800 given in previous quotations derives from the fact that the figure added by the National Commission for Reparation and Reconciliation, which was formed after the Rettig Commission and in response to the claims of people who, seeing the benefits granted to the victims, also wanted to assert their cases to obtain some pecuniary retribution, was added to the previous ones.[3]

The people of the Concertación itself, proved that this guerrilla existed and that the internal confrontation caused victims on both sides.[1]

Contrary to what has been said and written in the Report, the judicial system exercised control in human rights matters. The accusation of the Rettig Report, claiming the contrary, is false and that is why the Plenary of the Supreme Court declared the Report invalid and biased saying it is "passionate, reckless and tendentious, the product of an irregular investigation and probable political prejudices".[1]

In 2013, the Rancagua Court of Appeals issued a ruling that completely absolved the Carabineros who had been prosecuted for the deaths of two leaders of the illegal terrorist organization, the communist armed wing, FPMR, Carlos Pellegrin and Cecilia Magni, who had attacked a police barracks in Los Queñes, killing a non-commissioned officer of the Carabineros.

The Rettig Report had ruled that both had been imprisoned and tortured, that she had been raped and then both bodies had been thrown by the Carabineros into the waters of the Tinguiririca River. The Court's ruling says that none of this was proven and that the members of the terrorist group drowned while trying to cross the river in their escape. It has taken 22 years to disprove a slanderous lie in the Rettig Report.

The falsehood of the Rettig Report's classification of people as "detainees-disappeared" has also been debunked since it has been proven that some of them are alive or that they disappeared without any intervention by State agents.[4]

The "disappearances" that had been denounced in the 70's and 80's, totaled, as of October 5, 1988, 600, contained in a publication of the Archbishopric, whose authors were Claudio Orrego and Patricia Verdugo. Later, the 1991 Rettig Report raised them to 979 and the Reparation and Reconciliation Commission increased them to 1,102. The Government claimed to have no information on these cases. But then it has been proven that the remains of people whose whereabouts are known, plus those who have been "reappearing", which are six (that is, they are not technically "disappeared") is greater than 1,102. As this has not been done in decades of Center-left governments, is it politically more profitable to continue talking about "the disappeared".[5]

There is no impartiality in the archives of the Vicaría -and therefore of the Rettig Report- if they were prepared by a high-ranking communist-terrorist leader as José Manuel Parada. Parada very skillfully infiltrated the Archbishopric. First he worked as a driver for the Vicariate. Then, making good use of his personal gifts, he worked his way up until he was put in charge of the historical heart of the organization, the Archives. He took advantage of this position to recruit elements for the FPMR, as the guerrilla Alfredo Malbrich Labra confessed to the security forces in 1986: imprisoned on the occasion of the internment of the arsenals from Cuba by the Communist Party, he confessed that in 1979 he had gone to the Vicarage and there Parada had recruited him for the FPMR.[6]

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