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==Anti-Semitism and racism==
 
==Anti-Semitism and racism==
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Marx has frequently been criticized as anti-Semitic, but in this he was in the mainstream of socialist thinking. Anti-semitism is often thought to be associated exclusively with the political right, but this is false. “[M]odern, political anti-Semitism is a creature of the left as well as the right,” according to Robert Fine, chair of the Sociology Department at Warwick University. “[T]here is a strong tradition of anti-Semitism on the Left.”<ref>Robert Fine, “[http://www.engageonline.org.uk/journal/index.php?journal_id=10&article_id=33 Karl Marx and the Radical Critique of Anti-Semitism],” ''Engage'', Issue 2 (May 2006)</ref> "There were numerous individuals and groups who considered class struggle and race struggle as one and the same thing&mdash;especially with reference to the Jews, who were seen as at the same time the embodiment of capitalism and German–Marxist internationalism," observes Göttingen historian Karlheinz Weissmann.<ref>Karlheinz Weissmann, "[http://mises.org/journals/jls/12_2/12_2_3.pdf The Epoch of National Socialism]," ''The Journal of Libertarian Studies,'' Vol. 12, No. 2 (FALL 1996), pp. 257–294</ref>
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Marx has frequently been criticized as anti-Semitic, but in this he was in the mainstream of socialist thinking. Anti-semitism is often thought to be associated exclusively with the political right, but this is false. “[M]odern, political anti-Semitism is a creature of the left as well as the right,” writes Robert Fine, chair of the Sociology Department at Warwick University. “[T]here is a strong tradition of anti-Semitism on the Left.”<ref>Robert Fine, “[http://www.engageonline.org.uk/journal/index.php?journal_id=10&article_id=33 Karl Marx and the Radical Critique of Anti-Semitism],” ''Engage'', Issue 2 (May 2006)</ref> "There were numerous individuals and groups who considered class struggle and race struggle as one and the same thing&mdash;especially with reference to the Jews, who were seen as at the same time the embodiment of capitalism and German–Marxist internationalism," observes Göttingen historian Karlheinz Weissmann.<ref>Karlheinz Weissmann, "[http://mises.org/journals/jls/12_2/12_2_3.pdf The Epoch of National Socialism]," ''The Journal of Libertarian Studies,'' Vol. 12, No. 2 (FALL 1996), pp. 257–294</ref>
  
 
One "need not venture far into the pre-1930 literature of anti-economics before encountering conspicuous anti-Semitic effusions," observes Coleman. "One may say that, before about 1930, anti-economics and anti-Semitism existed in striking conjunction." He adds that "the conjunction was not accidental... [A]nti-economics and modern anti-Semitism shared some leading ideological contentions."<ref>William Coleman, "[http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/history_of_political_economy/v035/35.4coleman.pdf Anti-Semitism in Anti-economics]," ''History of Political Economy'', Vol. 35, No. 4 (Winter 2003), pp. 759-777</ref> “The Marxist, postmodern and post-Zionist pseudo-liberal views on democracy lead back to the totalitarian democracy of the French Enlightenment," writes Shlomo Sharan, Professor Emeritus in Educational and Organizational Psychology at the School of Education, Tel Aviv University, "in which anti-Semitism formed an essential ingredient.”<ref>Shlomo Sharan, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=5U-Dk-5p0mIC Israel and the Post-Zionists: A Nation at Risk]'' (Sussex Academic Press, 2003) ISBN 1903900522 , p. 125</ref> "It was in those days that the complaint arose that Jews were 'unproductive middle men,' 'economic parasites,'" wrote Edward H. Flannery, a professor at the Institute of Judeo-Christian Studies at Seton Hall University.<ref>Eric Pace, "[http://www.nytimes.com/1998/10/22/us/the-rev-edward-flannery-86-priest-who-fought-anti-semitism.html The Rev. Edward Flannery, 86, Priest Who Fought Anti-Semitism]," ''The New York Times'', October 22, 1998</ref> "It was shaped for the most part by socialist  writers and became a favorite theme with later racist antisemites of a socialist stripe."<ref>Edward H. Flannery, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=J40gNC7cxfYC The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-three Centuries of Antisemitism]'' (Paulist Press, 2004) ISBN 0809143240, p. 168</ref>
 
One "need not venture far into the pre-1930 literature of anti-economics before encountering conspicuous anti-Semitic effusions," observes Coleman. "One may say that, before about 1930, anti-economics and anti-Semitism existed in striking conjunction." He adds that "the conjunction was not accidental... [A]nti-economics and modern anti-Semitism shared some leading ideological contentions."<ref>William Coleman, "[http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/history_of_political_economy/v035/35.4coleman.pdf Anti-Semitism in Anti-economics]," ''History of Political Economy'', Vol. 35, No. 4 (Winter 2003), pp. 759-777</ref> “The Marxist, postmodern and post-Zionist pseudo-liberal views on democracy lead back to the totalitarian democracy of the French Enlightenment," writes Shlomo Sharan, Professor Emeritus in Educational and Organizational Psychology at the School of Education, Tel Aviv University, "in which anti-Semitism formed an essential ingredient.”<ref>Shlomo Sharan, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=5U-Dk-5p0mIC Israel and the Post-Zionists: A Nation at Risk]'' (Sussex Academic Press, 2003) ISBN 1903900522 , p. 125</ref> "It was in those days that the complaint arose that Jews were 'unproductive middle men,' 'economic parasites,'" wrote Edward H. Flannery, a professor at the Institute of Judeo-Christian Studies at Seton Hall University.<ref>Eric Pace, "[http://www.nytimes.com/1998/10/22/us/the-rev-edward-flannery-86-priest-who-fought-anti-semitism.html The Rev. Edward Flannery, 86, Priest Who Fought Anti-Semitism]," ''The New York Times'', October 22, 1998</ref> "It was shaped for the most part by socialist  writers and became a favorite theme with later racist antisemites of a socialist stripe."<ref>Edward H. Flannery, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=J40gNC7cxfYC The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-three Centuries of Antisemitism]'' (Paulist Press, 2004) ISBN 0809143240, p. 168</ref>
  
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The socialism of Fourier,<ref>Fourier called Jews “parasites, merchants, and usurers.” Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 111</ref> Proudhon,<ref>Proudon called Jews “the race which poisons everything” and “the enemy of the human race.” Norman Podhoretz, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=QUfFP_Q_nqIC Why are Jews Liberals?]'' (Random House, Inc., 2009) ISBN 0385529198, p. 62</ref> Bakunin<ref>Bakunin called Jews “an exploiting sect, a bloodsucking people, a unique devouring parasite.” Robert S. Wistrich, “[http://leobaeck.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/37/1/111 Socialism and Judeophobia: Antisemitism in Europe before 1914],” ''Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook'', Vol. 37, No. 1 (January 1992), pp. 111-145</ref> and Beatrice Webb<ref>Webb wrote that “strongest impelling motive of the Jewish race” was “the love of ''profit'' as distinct from other forms of money-earning.” (Italics in original.) Beatrice Webb, “East London Labour,” ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=udcaAAAAYAAJ The Nineteenth Century]'', Vol. XXIV (July-December 1888), p. 176</ref> was inseperable from this crude and vicious anti-Semitism, portraying Jews as exploiters, leeches and parasites.<ref>Edmund Silberner, “The Anti-Semitic Tradition in Modern Socialism.,” ''Scripta Hierosolymitana'', vol. III (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1956) , pp.378-379</ref>
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The socialism of Fourier,<ref>Fourier called Jews “parasites, merchants, and usurers.” Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 111</ref> Proudhon,<ref>Proudon called Jews “the race which poisons everything” and “the enemy of the human race.” Norman Podhoretz, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=QUfFP_Q_nqIC Why are Jews Liberals?]'' (Random House, Inc., 2009) ISBN 0385529198, p. 62</ref> Bakunin<ref>Bakunin called Jews “an exploiting sect, a bloodsucking people, a unique devouring parasite.” Robert S. Wistrich, “[http://leobaeck.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/37/1/111 Socialism and Judeophobia: Antisemitism in Europe before 1914],” ''Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook'', Vol. 37, No. 1 (January 1992), pp. 111-145</ref> and Beatrice Webb<ref>Webb wrote that “strongest impelling motive of the Jewish race” was “the love of ''profit'' as distinct from other forms of money-earning.” (Italics in original.) Beatrice Webb, “East London Labour,” ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=udcaAAAAYAAJ The Nineteenth Century]'', Vol. XXIV (July-December 1888), p. 176</ref> was inseperable from this crude and vicious anti-Semitism, portraying Jews as exploiters, leeches and parasites.<ref>Edmund Silberner, “The Anti-Semitic Tradition in Modern Socialism.,” ''Scripta Hierosolymitana'', vol. III (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1956) , pp.378-379</ref> So current were such ideas in socialist circles that they influenced even Jews, “or to be precise, ex-Jews, in the socialist ranks,” according to Bernard Lewis, Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. “The outstanding example of this is of course Karl Marx.”<ref>Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112. Cf. Edmund Silberner, "Was Marx an Anti-Semite?" ''Historica Judaica'', April 1949, p. 52</ref> Marx was "a particularly caustic antisemite," wrote Flannery, "who considered Jews worshippers of mammon, the very soul of the corrupt capitalism he fought."<ref>Edward H. Flannery, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=J40gNC7cxfYC The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-three Centuries of Antisemitism]'' (Paulist Press, 2004) ISBN 0809143240, p. 168</ref> Thus Albert S. Lindemann, Professor Emeritus in the Department of History, University of California–Santa Barbara, calls Marx “a self-hating Jew,”<ref>Albert S. Lindemann , ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=NagdhSUgB9oC Esau's Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews]'' (Cambridge University Press, 2000) ISBN 0521795389, p. 166</ref> while Sharan calls Marx an “anti-Semitic Jew.”<ref>Shlomo Sharan, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=5U-Dk-5p0mIC Israel and the Post-Zionists: A Nation at Risk]'' (Sussex Academic Press, 2003) ISBN 1903900522 , p. 125</ref> Marx, a descendant of rabbis on both sides of his family, apparently studied Greek and French, but not Hebrew.<ref>[http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/letters/misc/1835-mat.htm Certificate of Maturity for Pupil of the Gymnasium in Trier], Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, ''[http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/cw/ Collected Works]'' (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), [http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/cw/volume01/index.htm Vol. I] (Trans. Robert Dixon), p. 643</ref>
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So current were such ideas in socialist circles that they influenced even Jews, “or to be precise, ex-Jews, in the socialist ranks,” according to Bernard Lewis, Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. “The outstanding example of this is of course Karl Marx.”<ref>Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112. Cf. Edmund Silberner, "Was Marx an Anti-Semite?" ''Historica Judaica'', April 1949, p. 52</ref> Marx was "a particularly caustic antisemite," wrote Flannery, "who considered Jews worshippers of mammon, the very soul of the corrupt capitalism he fought."<ref>Edward H. Flannery, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=J40gNC7cxfYC The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-three Centuries of Antisemitism]'' (Paulist Press, 2004) ISBN 0809143240, p. 168</ref> Thus Albert S. Lindemann, Professor Emeritus in the Department of History, University of California–Santa Barbara, calls Marx “a self-hating Jew,”<ref>Albert S. Lindemann , ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=NagdhSUgB9oC Esau's Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews]'' (Cambridge University Press, 2000) ISBN 0521795389, p. 166</ref> while Sharan calls Marx an “anti-Semitic Jew.”<ref>Shlomo Sharan, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=5U-Dk-5p0mIC Israel and the Post-Zionists: A Nation at Risk]'' (Sussex Academic Press, 2003) ISBN 1903900522 , p. 125</ref> Marx, a descendant of rabbis on both sides of his family, apparently studied Greek and French, but not Hebrew.<ref>[http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/letters/misc/1835-mat.htm Certificate of Maturity for Pupil of the Gymnasium in Trier], Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, ''[http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/cw/ Collected Works]'' (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), [http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/cw/volume01/index.htm Vol. I] (Trans. Robert Dixon), p. 643</ref>
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Marx's essay “On the Jewish Question” has become “one of the classics of anti-Semitic propaganda,” according to Lewis.<ref>Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112</ref> Coleman identifies Marx's essay as "perhaps, the most condensed identification of Jews with self-interest."<ref>William Coleman, "[http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/history_of_political_economy/v035/35.4coleman.pdf Anti-Semitism in Anti-economics]," ''History of Political Economy'', Vol. 35, No. 4 (Winter 2003), pp. 759-777</ref> In it, Marx exploits the “widespread antisemitic caricature of Jews as inveterate moneylenders and hucksters along with the use of the term ''Judentum'' [Jewishness, Judaism] as a metaphor for commerce,” writes Larry Ray, Professor of Sociology at the University of Kent.<ref>Larry Ray, “[http://www.engageonline.org.uk/journal/index.php?journal_id=12&article_id=49 Marx and the Radical Critique of Difference],” ''Engage'', Issue 3 (September 2006)</ref> In Marx's view, Jews are responsible for capitalism.<ref>Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112</ref> Marx exploits the stereotype of Jews “linked in the popular imagination with usury, sharp dealing, and ruthless cunning” to incite hatred of capitalism, writes Stephen J. Greenblatt, Professor of English and American Literature and Language at Harvard University. Marx's essay involves “a sharp, even hysterical, denial of his religious background,” as well as “extreme [rhetorical] violence” and “utter separation of himself from the people he excoriates.... “
 
Marx's essay “On the Jewish Question” has become “one of the classics of anti-Semitic propaganda,” according to Lewis.<ref>Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112</ref> Coleman identifies Marx's essay as "perhaps, the most condensed identification of Jews with self-interest."<ref>William Coleman, "[http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/history_of_political_economy/v035/35.4coleman.pdf Anti-Semitism in Anti-economics]," ''History of Political Economy'', Vol. 35, No. 4 (Winter 2003), pp. 759-777</ref> In it, Marx exploits the “widespread antisemitic caricature of Jews as inveterate moneylenders and hucksters along with the use of the term ''Judentum'' [Jewishness, Judaism] as a metaphor for commerce,” writes Larry Ray, Professor of Sociology at the University of Kent.<ref>Larry Ray, “[http://www.engageonline.org.uk/journal/index.php?journal_id=12&article_id=49 Marx and the Radical Critique of Difference],” ''Engage'', Issue 3 (September 2006)</ref> In Marx's view, Jews are responsible for capitalism.<ref>Bernard Lewis, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice]'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112</ref> Marx exploits the stereotype of Jews “linked in the popular imagination with usury, sharp dealing, and ruthless cunning” to incite hatred of capitalism, writes Stephen J. Greenblatt, Professor of English and American Literature and Language at Harvard University. Marx's essay involves “a sharp, even hysterical, denial of his religious background,” as well as “extreme [rhetorical] violence” and “utter separation of himself from the people he excoriates.... “

Revision as of 22:53, January 14, 2011

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“ I don't think that the way to correct a spin from the left is to try to impart a spin from the right.... [A]n information flow distorted from the right would be just as much a disservice as distortion from the left. What we really should be after... is accurate information. And I don't see what any conservative or anybody else for that matter has to fear from accurate information. ”
-M. Stanton Evans, “Can Conservatives Change the Media?” Heritage Foundation Resource Bank lecture, August 7, 1990

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Karl Marx

Karl Heinrich Marx (May 5, 1818[1] – March 14, 1883) was a bourgeois[2] political pamphleteer,[3] polemicist[4] and propagandist,[5] credited as co-founder (with Friedrich Engels) of communism[6] and specifically of Marxism. According to Don Ross, co-editor of The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Economics, "the Marxist system as a whole is not regarded as economics by the mainstream."[7] Economist Thomas Sowell, an ex-Marxist,[8] agrees:

“ [T]he Marxian contribution to economics can be readily summarized as virtually zero. Professional economics as it exists today reflects no indication that Karl Marx ever existed... [T]he development of modern economics has simply ignored Marx. Even economists who are Marxists typically utilize a set of analytical tools to which Marx contributed nothing... In professional economics, Capital was a detour into a blind alley...[9] ”

William Coleman of the Australian National University actually identifies Marx as an "anti-economist."[10] Ross concurs, labeling Marx "the most influential anti-economist of all."[11] Even Michael Harrington, a well-known Marxist,[12] in his book, The Twilight of Capitalism, devoted an entire chapter to Marx "The anti-economist."[13] Nevertheless, men and women of zeal, often well-meaning but without understanding[14] of economics, ravaged the 20th century reifying Marx's economic illusions—in the process killing more people than all the century's wars combined.[15]

Early life

Marx was born "Carl Marx"[16] in the Rhineland city of Trier, then in the Kingdom of Prussia (now in the Federal Republic of Germany),[17] the son of Heinrich Marx and Henriette Pressborck,[18] both the children of rabbis descended from famous Talmudic scholars and sages.[19]

Marx's father was a successful lawyer[20] and owner of several Moselle vineyards.[21] Philosophically, he was a liberal[22] who “knew his Voltaire and Rousseau by heart.”[23] After the Prussian Edict of 1812 effectively banned Jews from public office and the professions,[24] he converted to the Evangelical Church[25] (established in 1817 as the state church of Prussia),[26] changing his name from Hershel Mordechai to Heinrich Marx.[27] In 1824, he had his seven children, including six-year-old Karl, baptized.[28]

Marx the Christian

Marx was confirmed at age 15. As a student at the Royal Frederick William III gymnasium, he was to all appearances a Christian. When Marx graduated that September, his diploma read, under the category “Religious knowledge”: “His knowledge of the Christian faith and morals is fairly clear and well grounded; he knows also to some extent the history of the Christian Church.”[29] Yet even then Marx betrayed a tendency to substitute man for God as the object of Christian love and sacrifice. In an 1835 senior thesis, the 17-year-old Marx wrote that in union with Christ, "we turn our hearts to our brothers whom He has closely bound to us, and for whom also He sacrificed Himself... Therefore union with Christ bestows... a heart which is open to love of mankind..."[30] Likewise, in another senior thesis written at the same time, Marx wrote that "religion itself teaches us that the ideal being whom all strive to copy sacrificed himself for the sake of mankind, and who would dare to set at nought such judgments?"[31]

Bonn University

However, Marx's Christian education had little lasting impact. Barely a month after starting the study of law at Bonn University in October 1835, Marx seems to have embraced atheism. Heinrich disapproved, warning his son:

“ [A] great support for morality is pure faith in God. You know that I am anything but a fanatic. But this faith is a real [require]ment of man sooner or later, and there are moments in life when even the atheist is [involun]tarily drawn to worship the Almighty... for what Newton, Locke and Leibniz believed, everyone can [...] submit to.[32] ”

Marx was not academically successful, and proved to be a disappointment to his parents,[33] confirming his father's opinion “that in your heart egoism is predominant.”[34] As a leader of the Trier Tavern Club, a group of students “whose main ambition was to get drunk as frequently and riotously as possible,” Marx began playing cards, getting into drunken brawls, and was even wounded in a duel.[35] He spent 24 hours in jail “for disturbing the peace by rowdiness and drunkenness at night.”[36] His father tried to dissuade the young Marx from such vices, warning his son that “youthful sins in any enjoyment that is immoderate or even harmful in itself meet with frightful punishment.”[37]

His father's warning had no discernible effect. Years later, in London, Marx went on “many a pub crawl.”[38] On one of these, accompanied by Wilhelm Liebknecht and Edgar Bauer, Marx drank in no less than 18 different pubs. In one of these, Marx's “inebriated comments”[39] that Germany “would yet outclass all other nations” nearly got them, once again, into a fight. They fled into the street where, according to Liebknecht, “we broke four or five street lamps.”[40] When he participated in this crime, Marx was a husband and father himself, nearly 40 years old.[41]

Marx's youthful bacchanalia seem to have been extravagantly expensive; while he was still a student, there emerged what was to become a dominant theme of his life: his "grotesque incompetence" in real-world economics.[42] On this score, Marx's father's letters tell a sorry tale:

  • “Your accounts, dear Karl, are... disconnected and inconclusive. If only they had been shorter and more precise, and the figures properly set out in columns, the operation would have been very simple. One expects order even from a scholar, and especially from a practical lawyer.... I enclose a money order for 50 talers...”[43]
  • “I sent... 50 talers. With what you took with you, that makes 160 talers.... I am convinced that it is possible to manage with less... But no more under any condition... I enclose a draft on... the lottery office in the university building; you will get money there, as m[uch as] you need.”[44]
  • “You are receiving 100 talers herewith and, if you ask for it, you will receive the rest... You have not kept your word to me—you remember your promise... At the moment I could not send you any more. In the next few days you will probably receive 20 talers through Rabe.”[45]
  • “Please, dear Karl, write at once, but write frankly, without reserve and truthfully. Calm me and your dear, kind mother, and we will soon forget the little monetary sacrifice.”[46]
  • “For the time being I am sending you herewith 50 talers. You must at present be able to estimate approximately the amount you absolutely need each year, and that is what I should like to know.”[47]
  • “Enclosed a money order for 50 talers. If you prefer me to look for a firm there to make an arrangement with you, you must tell me approximately the monthly sum I should fix for you. By now you must be able to say what it amounts to with one thing and another.”[48]
  • “I enclose herewith a letter of credit. It is for a higher amount than you yourself asked, but I did not want to have it altered, because now I trust you not to use more than is necessary.”[49]
  • "Only one thing more my Herr Son will still allow me, namely, to express my surprise that I have still not received any request for money! Or do you perhaps want already now to make up for it from the too great amount taken?"[50]
  • "As if we were men of wealth, my Herr Son disposed in one year of almost 700 talers contrary to all agreement, contrary to all usage, whereas the richest spend less than 500."[51]
  • "...we are now in the fourth month of the law year and you have already drawn 280 talers. I have not yet earned that much this winter."[52]

Anti-Semitism and racism

Marx has frequently been criticized as anti-Semitic, but in this he was in the mainstream of socialist thinking. Anti-semitism is often thought to be associated exclusively with the political right, but this is false. “[M]odern, political anti-Semitism is a creature of the left as well as the right,” writes Robert Fine, chair of the Sociology Department at Warwick University. “[T]here is a strong tradition of anti-Semitism on the Left.”[53] "There were numerous individuals and groups who considered class struggle and race struggle as one and the same thing—especially with reference to the Jews, who were seen as at the same time the embodiment of capitalism and German–Marxist internationalism," observes Göttingen historian Karlheinz Weissmann.[54]

One "need not venture far into the pre-1930 literature of anti-economics before encountering conspicuous anti-Semitic effusions," observes Coleman. "One may say that, before about 1930, anti-economics and anti-Semitism existed in striking conjunction." He adds that "the conjunction was not accidental... [A]nti-economics and modern anti-Semitism shared some leading ideological contentions."[55] “The Marxist, postmodern and post-Zionist pseudo-liberal views on democracy lead back to the totalitarian democracy of the French Enlightenment," writes Shlomo Sharan, Professor Emeritus in Educational and Organizational Psychology at the School of Education, Tel Aviv University, "in which anti-Semitism formed an essential ingredient.”[56] "It was in those days that the complaint arose that Jews were 'unproductive middle men,' 'economic parasites,'" wrote Edward H. Flannery, a professor at the Institute of Judeo-Christian Studies at Seton Hall University.[57] "It was shaped for the most part by socialist writers and became a favorite theme with later racist antisemites of a socialist stripe."[58]

The socialism of Fourier,[59] Proudhon,[60] Bakunin[61] and Beatrice Webb[62] was inseperable from this crude and vicious anti-Semitism, portraying Jews as exploiters, leeches and parasites.[63] So current were such ideas in socialist circles that they influenced even Jews, “or to be precise, ex-Jews, in the socialist ranks,” according to Bernard Lewis, Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. “The outstanding example of this is of course Karl Marx.”[64] Marx was "a particularly caustic antisemite," wrote Flannery, "who considered Jews worshippers of mammon, the very soul of the corrupt capitalism he fought."[65] Thus Albert S. Lindemann, Professor Emeritus in the Department of History, University of California–Santa Barbara, calls Marx “a self-hating Jew,”[66] while Sharan calls Marx an “anti-Semitic Jew.”[67] Marx, a descendant of rabbis on both sides of his family, apparently studied Greek and French, but not Hebrew.[68]

Marx's essay “On the Jewish Question” has become “one of the classics of anti-Semitic propaganda,” according to Lewis.[69] Coleman identifies Marx's essay as "perhaps, the most condensed identification of Jews with self-interest."[70] In it, Marx exploits the “widespread antisemitic caricature of Jews as inveterate moneylenders and hucksters along with the use of the term Judentum [Jewishness, Judaism] as a metaphor for commerce,” writes Larry Ray, Professor of Sociology at the University of Kent.[71] In Marx's view, Jews are responsible for capitalism.[72] Marx exploits the stereotype of Jews “linked in the popular imagination with usury, sharp dealing, and ruthless cunning” to incite hatred of capitalism, writes Stephen J. Greenblatt, Professor of English and American Literature and Language at Harvard University. Marx's essay involves “a sharp, even hysterical, denial of his religious background,” as well as “extreme [rhetorical] violence” and “utter separation of himself from the people he excoriates.... “

“ [T]he tone of the attack on the Jews rises to an almost ecstatic disgust at the moment when Marx seems to be locating the Jews most clearly as a product of bourgeois culture; it is as if Marx were eager to prove that he is in no way excusing or forgiving the Jews.[73] ”

In this essay, Marx writes:

“ Let us consider the actual, worldly Jew—not the Sabbath Jew... but the everyday Jew.

Let us not look for the secret of the Jew in his religion, but let us look for the secret of his religion in the real Jew.

What is the secular basis of Judaism? Practical need, self-interest. What is the worldly religion of the Jew?Huckstering. What is his worldly God? Money. [Italics Marx's][74]

”

Marx ends this essay with a call for "the emancipation of society from Judaism." [Italics Marx's]

References

  1. ↑ Birth Certificate of Karl Marx, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), p. 635
  2. ↑ Francis Wheen, Karl Marx: A Life (W.W. Norton & Company, 2001) ISBN 0393321576, pp. 8, 278
  3. ↑ George Bernard Shaw, “Trotsky, Prince of Pamphleteers,” The Nation (ISSN 0027-8378) Vol. 1922 No. 30 (June 7, 1922), pp. 560-561, reprinted in Brian Tyson, ed., Bernard Shaw's Book Reviews: Volume Two,1884-1950 (University Park, PA.: Penn State Press, 1996) ISBN 0271015489, pp. 440-450. Cf. Terrell Carver, The Postmodern Marx (University Park, PA.: Penn State Press, 1998), p. 160
  4. ↑ Chris Matthew Sciaberra, Marx, Hayek and Utopia (SUNY Press, 1995) ISBN 0791426165, p.6. Cf. Michael Grenfell and Cheryl Hardy, Art Rules: Pierre Bourdieu and the Visual Arts (Berg Publishers, 2007) ISBN 1845202341, p.17
  5. ↑ Baron John Emerich Edward Dalberg Acton, The Cambridge Modern History (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1910), p. 758. Cf. Milorad M. Drachkovitch and Sidney Hook, Marxist Ideology in the Contemporary World: Its Appeals and Paradoxes (Ayer Publishing, 1973) ISBN 0836981545, p. 113
  6. ↑ Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto and Other Writings (Barnes & Noble, 2005) ISBN 1593081006, p. vi
  7. ↑ Don Ross, "Economic theory, anti-economics, and political ideology," p. 10
  8. ↑ Ray Sawhill, "Black and right," Salon.com, November 10, 1999
  9. ↑ Thomas Sowell, Marxism: Philosophy and Economics (Taylor & Francis, 1985) ISBN 0043201717, p. 217.
  10. ↑ William Coleman, Economics and its Enemies: Two Centuries of Anti-Economics (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002) ISBN 1403941483, p. 234.
  11. ↑ Don Ross, "Economic theory, anti-economics, and political ideology," p. 10
  12. ↑ Wayne Price, "Anarchism: Utopian or Scientific?" The Utopian Vol. 5, p. 62
  13. ↑ Michael Harrington, The Twilight of Capitalism (Simon and Schuster, 1976) ISBN 0671227599, chapter 5
  14. ↑ "The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well meaning but without understanding." Brandeis, J., Dissenting, Olmstead v. United States 277 US 438 (1928)
  15. ↑ R.J. Rummel, What? Only 35,000,000 Killed in 20th Century War?, Democratic Peace Blog, November 30, 2008. Mid-range academic estimates of the number of civilians murdered by Marxists range from 94 million (Stéphane Courtois, ed. The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression [Harvard University Press, 1999] ISBN 0-674-07608-7, p. 4) to 148 million (R.J. Rummel [Department of Political Science, University of Hawaii], "Stalin Exceeded Hitler in Monstrous Evil; Mao Beat Out Stalin", Hawaii Reporter, December 1, 2005. Cf. R.J.Rummel, Reevaluating China’s Democide to 73,000,000, Democratic Peace Blog, October 10, 2005; R.J. Rummel, Reevaluated democide totals for 20th C. and China, Asia Pacific Research Online, November 29, 2005 [T. Matthew Ciolek, ed., Head, Internet Publications Bureau, Research School of Asian and Pacific Studies, National Institute for Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University]; Chris Banescu with Scott Manning, Communist Holocaust: 100+ million dead, hundreds of millions more tortured, imprisoned, and enslaved, OrthodoxNet.com Blog, March 9, 2010
  16. ↑ Birth Certificate of Karl Marx, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), p. 635
  17. ↑ Roman Culture in Germany, Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany, London
  18. ↑ Birth Certificate of Karl Marx, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), p. 635
  19. ↑ Paul Johnson, Intellectuals(HarperCollins, 1990) ISBN 0060916575, p. 53
  20. ↑ Hyam Maccoby, Antisemitism and Modernity: Innovation and Continuity (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006) ISBN 041531173X, p. 64
  21. ↑ Francis Wheen, Karl Marx: A Life (W.W. Norton & Company, 2001) ISBN 0393321576, p. 10
  22. ↑ John Spargo, Karl Marx: His Life and Work (B. W. Huebsch, 1912), p. 18
  23. ↑ Wilhelm Liebknecht (Trans. Ernest Untermann), Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs (Chicago: C. H. Kerr & company, 1901), p. 163
  24. ↑ Michael A. Meyer, ed., German-Jewish History in Modern Times: Vol. 2, Emancipation and acculturation, 1780-1871 (Columbia University Press, 1997) ISBN 0231074743, pp. 24-27
  25. ↑ Birth Certificate of Karl Marx, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), p. 635. Cf. Allan Megill, Karl Marx: The Burden of Reason (Why Marx Rejected Politics and the Market) (Rowman & Littlefield, 2002) ISBN 0742511669, p. 72
  26. ↑ John Henry Kurtz, History of the Christian Church from the Reformation to the Present, Volume 3 (Edinburgh: Clark, 1863) ISBN 1417991631, pp. 302-303. Cf. "Prussia" in Hugh Chisholm, ed., The Encyclopædia Britannica: A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature and General Information, 11th Ed., Vol. 22 (New York: The Encyclopædia Britannica Company, 1911), p. 522; "Evangelical Church," Catholic Encyclopedia
  27. ↑ Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (New York: International Publishers, 1950), p. 9
  28. ↑ Werner Blumenberg, Karl Marx: An Illustrated Biography (Verso, 2000) ISBN 1859842542, p. 10
  29. ↑ Certificate of Maturity for Pupil of the Gymnasium in Trier, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), p. 643
  30. ↑ Karl Marx, “The Union of Believers With Christ According to John 15: 1-14, Showing its Basis and Essence, its Absolute Necessity, and its Effects,” in Robert Payne, ed.,The Unknown Karl Marx (New York University Press, 1971), ISBN 0340093935, pp. 39-43, reprinted in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 636–639
  31. ↑ Karl Marx, “Reflections of a Young Man on The Choice of a Profession,” Archiv für die Geschichte des Sozialismus und der Arbeiterbewegung (1925), reprinted in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 3-9
  32. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, November 18, 1835, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 645-648
  33. ↑ John Spargo , Karl Marx: His Life and Work (B. W. Huebsch, 1912) , p. 33
  34. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, November 8, 1835, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), p. 645
  35. ↑ Francis Wheen, Karl Marx: A Life (W. W. Norton & Company, 2001) ISBN 0393321576, pp. 15-16
  36. ↑ Leaving Certificate from Berlin University, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 1, pp. 703-704
  37. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, 1836, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 648-652
  38. ↑ Francis Wheen, Karl Marx: A Life (W. W. Norton & Company, 2001) ISBN 0393321576, pp. 6, 74. Cf. Jack Newcombe, "The Karl Marx Memorial Pub Crawl," Life, October 25, 1968, pp. 105-106; "Cheers to Karl Marx, BBC, 1 May, 1998; Richard Newberry, "London Pub Crawl with Karl Marx," La Stampa, November 26, 2007
  39. ↑ N. Ann Davis, Richard Keshen and Jeff McMahan, eds., Ethics and Humanity: Themes from the Philosophy of Jonathan Glover (Oxford University Press, 2010) ISBN 0195325192, p. 278
  40. ↑ Wilhelm Liebknecht (Trans. Ernest Untermann), Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs (Chicago: C. H. Kerr & company, 1901), p. 150
  41. ↑ Boris Nicolaievsky and Otto Maenchen-Helfen, (Trans. Gwenda David and Eric Mosbacher), Karl Marx: Man and Fighter (London: Methuen, 1936) ISBN 1406727032, p. 40
  42. ↑ Paul Johnson, Intellectuals (HarperCollins, 1990) ISBN 0060916575), p. 73
  43. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, 1836, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 648-652
  44. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, March 18, 1836, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 652-653
  45. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, ca. May-June 1836, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 652-653
  46. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, July 1, 1836, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 655-656
  47. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, November 9, 1836, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 661-663
  48. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, December 28, 1836, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 663-666
  49. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, February 3, 1837, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 667-670
  50. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, November 17, 1837, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 683-685
  51. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, December 9, 1837, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 685-691
  52. ↑ Letter from Heinrich Marx to son Karl, February 10, 1838, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), pp. 691-694
  53. ↑ Robert Fine, “Karl Marx and the Radical Critique of Anti-Semitism,” Engage, Issue 2 (May 2006)
  54. ↑ Karlheinz Weissmann, "The Epoch of National Socialism," The Journal of Libertarian Studies, Vol. 12, No. 2 (FALL 1996), pp. 257–294
  55. ↑ William Coleman, "Anti-Semitism in Anti-economics," History of Political Economy, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Winter 2003), pp. 759-777
  56. ↑ Shlomo Sharan, Israel and the Post-Zionists: A Nation at Risk (Sussex Academic Press, 2003) ISBN 1903900522 , p. 125
  57. ↑ Eric Pace, "The Rev. Edward Flannery, 86, Priest Who Fought Anti-Semitism," The New York Times, October 22, 1998
  58. ↑ Edward H. Flannery, The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-three Centuries of Antisemitism (Paulist Press, 2004) ISBN 0809143240, p. 168
  59. ↑ Fourier called Jews “parasites, merchants, and usurers.” Bernard Lewis, Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 111
  60. ↑ Proudon called Jews “the race which poisons everything” and “the enemy of the human race.” Norman Podhoretz, Why are Jews Liberals? (Random House, Inc., 2009) ISBN 0385529198, p. 62
  61. ↑ Bakunin called Jews “an exploiting sect, a bloodsucking people, a unique devouring parasite.” Robert S. Wistrich, “Socialism and Judeophobia: Antisemitism in Europe before 1914,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook, Vol. 37, No. 1 (January 1992), pp. 111-145
  62. ↑ Webb wrote that “strongest impelling motive of the Jewish race” was “the love of profit as distinct from other forms of money-earning.” (Italics in original.) Beatrice Webb, “East London Labour,” The Nineteenth Century, Vol. XXIV (July-December 1888), p. 176
  63. ↑ Edmund Silberner, “The Anti-Semitic Tradition in Modern Socialism.,” Scripta Hierosolymitana, vol. III (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1956) , pp.378-379
  64. ↑ Bernard Lewis, Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112. Cf. Edmund Silberner, "Was Marx an Anti-Semite?" Historica Judaica, April 1949, p. 52
  65. ↑ Edward H. Flannery, The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-three Centuries of Antisemitism (Paulist Press, 2004) ISBN 0809143240, p. 168
  66. ↑ Albert S. Lindemann , Esau's Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews (Cambridge University Press, 2000) ISBN 0521795389, p. 166
  67. ↑ Shlomo Sharan, Israel and the Post-Zionists: A Nation at Risk (Sussex Academic Press, 2003) ISBN 1903900522 , p. 125
  68. ↑ Certificate of Maturity for Pupil of the Gymnasium in Trier, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), Vol. I (Trans. Robert Dixon), p. 643
  69. ↑ Bernard Lewis, Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112
  70. ↑ William Coleman, "Anti-Semitism in Anti-economics," History of Political Economy, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Winter 2003), pp. 759-777
  71. ↑ Larry Ray, “Marx and the Radical Critique of Difference,” Engage, Issue 3 (September 2006)
  72. ↑ Bernard Lewis, Semites and anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999) ISBN 0393318397, p. 112
  73. ↑ Stephen J. Greenblatt, "Marlowe, Marx, and Anti-Semitism," Critical Inquiry, Volume 5, Number 2 (Winter 1978), pp. 291-307
  74. ↑ Karl Marx, "[http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1844/jewish-question/ On The Jewish Question," Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher, February 1844, reprinted in Works of Karl Marx, Vol. III, pp. 146-175

Fascism and the New Deal

“The word 'Fascism' has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies ‘something not desirable’," wrote George Orwell in the wake of World War II. He asked, “Since you don't know what Fascism is, how can you struggle against Fascism?”[1] Almost a decade earlier, he had written prophetically that "Socialism, in the form in which it is now presented, appeals chiefly to unsatisfactory or even inhuman types," including, among others, "the astute young social-literary climbers who are Communists now, as they will be Fascists five years hence, because it is all the go."[2]

Corporativist ideas had been popular with British socialists and Fabians, as well as American progressives such as Herbert Croly, Edward Bellamy and Colonel House, since the late 19th century.

Mussolini was a Marxist who took over the Italian Socialist Party at the Congress of Reggio Emilia in 1912, expelling his opponents and espousing doctrinaire Marxism, prompting Lenin to write, “the party of the Italian socialist proletariat has taken the right path.”[3]

In 1917, Lenin took over Russia, the following year imposing socialism (“War Communism”); it quickly and spectacularly failed, resulting in mass famine and economic collapse.[4] In response to this failure, communists like Oskar Lange and Georges Sorel theorized about a “third way” between capitalism and socialism; Lange called his theory “market socialism”;[5] Sorel meanwhile adopted “syndicalism,” a type of guild socialism.[6]

While Lenin's “New Economic Policy” (1921-28) followed Lange, Mussolini's Fascism followed Sorel;[7] National Socialism, emerging from the shattered remains of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, promised yet another a “third way” between capitalism and communism,[8] uniting proletarian and bourgeois to fight for the state and race.[9] It was in this atmosphere that the New Deal took shape. According to Amity Schlaes, author of The Forgotten Man, "Both Stalin's Russia and Mussolini's Italy influenced the New Deal enormously."[10]

"[T]he New Deal was often compared with Fascism," according to cultural historian Wolfgang Schivelbusch. "Italy had several years earlier begun the transition from a liberal free-market system to a state-run or corporatist one."[11] “The slogan into which the Nazis condensed their economic philosophy, Gemeinnutz geht vor Eigennutz (i.e., the commonweal ranks above private profit) is likewise the idea underlying the American New Deal,” wrote Ludwig von Mises.[12]

"Dictatorial powers"

Roosevelt presented the New Deal in militaristic terms of "discipline," sacrificing individual rights for "leadership" promising a greater good. His first inaugural address contained an exhortation that could have been made by Mussolini or Hitler:

“ If we are to go forward we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because, without such discipline, no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good.[13] ”

Meanwhile, First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt “lamented that the nation lacked a benevolent dictator to force through reforms."[14] Soviet intelligence source[15] Walter Lippmann told Roosevelt, "The situation is critical, Franklin. You may have no alternative but to assume dictatorial powers";[16] in his influential[17] column, Lippmann added that the use of "'dictatorial powers,' if that is the name for it—is essential."[18] The New York Herald Tribune approved the inauguration with the headline "FOR DICTATORSHIP IF NECESSARY."[19] A Hollywood movie was released about a President of the United States who "revokes the Constitution, becomes a reigning dictator," and employs "brown-shirted storm troopers,"[20]—by means of whom he not only "declares martial law,"[21] but “dissolves Congress, creates an army of the unemployed, and lines up his enemies before a firing squad.”[22] This movie was made not by a conservative such as Frank Capra, but by Walter Wanger, a "liberal Hollywood mogul";[23] in the film, the dictator ("an FDR lookalike")[24] is not the villain, but the hero, who by such dictatorial means "solves all of the nation's problems."[25] Roosevelt enjoyed the movie and saw it several times.[26] Most chilling, FDR wrote that he thought this film “would help the country.”[27]

Contemporary reporting and commentary

The mood in Washington at FDR's inauguration was “strangely reminiscent of Rome in the first weeks after the march of the Blackshirts, of Moscow at the beginning of the Five-Year Plan” reported The New York Times. “America today literally asks for orders.” The Roosevelt administration, reported the Times, “envisages a federation of industry, labor and government after the fashion of the corporative State as it exists in Italy.”[28] Progressive writer Roger Shaw described the New Deal as “Fascist means to gain liberal ends.”[29] George Soule, editor of the pro-Roosevelt New Republic magazine, wrote, "We are trying out the economics of Fascism without having suffered all its social or political ravages."[30] "We in America,” wrote liberal journalist Mauritz Hallgren, “are being forced rapidly and definitely into Fascism..."[31]

Fascists on the New Deal

Mussolini was convinced that the New Deal was copying Fascist economic policies.[32] "Reminiscent of Fascism is the principle that the state no longer leaves the economy to its own devices," wrote Mussolini in a review of FDR's book Looking Forward. "Without question, the mood accompanying this sea-change is reminiscent of Fascism." Mussolini wrote that the book New Frontiers, by FDR's Secretary of Agriculture Henry Wallace, was "just as 'corporativistic' as the individual solutions put forth in it... The book leaves no doubt that it is on the road to corporatism..."[33]

Nazi Minister of Economics Hjalmar Schacht declared that Roosevelt had the same economic idea as Hitler and Mussolini;[34] the official Nazi Party organ, Völkischer Beobachter, applauded “Roosevelt’s adoption of National Socialist strains of thought in his economic and social policies,” commenting, "Many passages in [Roosevelt's] book Looking Forward could have been written by a National Socialist."[35]

Hitler himself admired FDR’s approach, saying, “I have sympathy with President Roosevelt because he marches straight toward his objective over Congress, over lobbies, over stubborn bureaucracies.”[36] Hitler likewise congratulated Roosevelt for "his heroic effort in the interest of the American People." He added:

“ The President's successful struggle against economic distress is being followed by the entire German People with interest and admiration. The Reich Chancellor is in accord with the President that the virtues of sense of duty, readiness for sacrifice, and discipline must be the supreme rule of the whole Nation. This moral demand, which the President is addressing to every single citizen, is also the quintessence of German philosophy of the State, expressed in its motto "The public weal before private gain."[37] ”

New Dealers on fascism

Roosevelt’s economic adviser, Rexford Tugwell, the “most prominent of the Brain Trusters and the man often considered the chief ideologist of the 'first New Deal' (roughly, 1933–34),”[38] was "open in his respect for Mussolini's economic policies." Of the Fascist system he wrote, "It's the cleanest, neatnest [sic], most efficiently operating piece of social machinery I've ever seen. It makes me envious." Tugwell, "the most left-wing member of Roosevelt's brain trust,"[39] said, “I find Italy doing many of the things which seem to me necessary... Mussolini certainly has the same people opposed to him as FDR has. But he has the press controlled so that they cannot scream lies at him daily.”[40]

Tugwell wrote that Roosevelt “had a good Harvard education when Fabianism was developing, and he probably knew quite well the work of Wells and Shaw.[41] But as John T. Flynn, who had supported Roosevelt in the 1932 election, observed, "the line between fascism and Fabian socialism is very thin. Fabian socialism is the dream. Fascism is Fabian socialism plus the inevitable dictator."[42] One Fabian socialist from the 1920s and '30s, Oswald Mosley,[43] went on to found and lead the British Union of Fascists, in which role he was lauded by George Bernard Shaw,[44] a Fabian who also admired both Mussolini and Hitler.[45]

Shaw had contempt for freedom. Mussolini, Hitler and other dictators, he wrote, "can depend on me to judge them by their ability to deliver the goods," rather than by what Shaw dismissed as "comfortable notions of freedom."[46] Shaw thoroughly endorsed[47] the Nazi doctrine of "life unworthy of life" (Lebensunwertes Leben).[48] In the BBC's weekly magazine, he made a 1933 "appeal to the chemists to discover a humane gas that will kill instantly and painlessly. Deadly by all means, but humane not cruel..."[49] His appeal would shortly come to fruition in Nazi Germany.[50] Asked what Britons should do if the Nazis crossed the channel into Britain, Shaw replied, "Welcome them as tourists."[51]

In 1934, Roosevelt and key members of his “Brains Trust” actually met with H.G. Wells, another Fabian, who called President Roosevelt “the most effective transmitting instrument possible for the coming of the new world order... He is continually revolutionary in the new way without ever provoking a stark revolutionary crisis.”[52] Two years earlier, in a speech at Oxford University, Wells had exhorted his audience, “I am asking for a Liberal Fascisti, for enlightened Nazis.”[53]

Roosevelt privately acknowledged that “what we were doing in this country were some of the things that were being done in Russia and even some of the things that were being done under Hitler in Germany. But we were doing them in an orderly way.”[54] He was also a secret admirer of Mussolini, writing to his friend John Lawrence, "I don't mind telling you in confidence, that I am keeping in fairly close touch with that admirable Italian gentleman."[55] FDR also wrote to U.S. Ambassador to Italy Breckinridge Long about Mussolini, "I am much interested and deeply impressed by what he has accomplished and by his evidenced honest purpose of restoring Italy and seeking to prevent general European trouble."[56]

National Recovery Administration

Ambassador Long, in turn, reported to Tugwell regarding Fascist economics, “Your mind runs along these lines … It may have some bearing on the code work under N.R.A.”[57] He was referring to the centerpiece of the New Deal, the National Recovery Administration (NRA), “the New Deal’s attempt to bring to America the substance of Mussolini’s corporativism.”[58] The NRA was established by the National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933, which was “similar to experiments being carried out by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini in Italy and by the Nazis in Adolf Hitler's Germany,” according to John A. Garraty,[59] president of the Society of American Historians.[60] As one NRA study concluded, “The Fascist principles are very similar to those which have been evolving in America and so are of particular interest at this time.”[61]

"There was hardly a commentator who failed to see elements of Italian corporatism in Roosevelt's managed economy under the National Recovery Administration, the institution formed in 1933 to maintain mandatory production and price 'codes' for American industry," wrote Schivelbusch. Even "intellectual observers of economics and social policies who were otherwise Roosevelt allies... saw a Fascist element at the core of the New Deal."[62]

The Italian Fascist Party journal of political theory Gerarchia (Leadership) characterized the NRA as "bearing a Fascist signature" and as "corporatism without the corporations." Progressive journalist Robert Shaw agreed, "The NRA... was plainly an American adaptation of the Italian corporate state." When Roosevelt referred to the industrial cartels established by the NRA as "modern guilds," writes Schivelbusch, he was making "reference to the corporatist system associated with Fascism."[63] FDR's own economics instructor at Harvard[64] concurred, identifying the NRA as "essentially fascistic."[65]

Just as Mussolini “organized each trade or industrial group or professional group into a state supervised trade association” that “operated under state supervision and could plan production, quality, prices, distribution, labor standards, etc.,”[66] the NRA “forced virtually all American industry, manufacturing, and retail business into cartels possessing the power to set prices and wages, and to dictate the levels of production.”[67]

Hugh Johnson

As head of the NRA and thus “FDR’s leading bureaucrat,”[68] the President appointed[69] General Hugh Johnson, who was granted “almost unlimited powers over industry.”[70] According to economist Thayer Watkins (who teaches economic history at California’s San José State University),[71] Johnson was “an admirer of Mussolini’s National Corporatist system in Italy and he drew upon the Italian experience in formulating the New Deal.”[72] Walker F. Todd, research fellow at the American Institute for Economic Research, agrees that Johnson “did admire greatly what Mussolini appeared to have done,” identifying the NRA as a “thoroughly corporativist” idea.[73]

According to Jonah Goldberg, Johnson displayed a portrait of Il Duce in his NRA office and actually “distributed a memo at the Democratic Convention proposing that FDR become a Mussolini-like dictator.”[74] In his retirement speech, Johnson invoked what he called the “shining name” of Mussolini.[75] Johnson was said to carry around with him a copy of Raffaello Viglione’s pro-Mussolini book,[76] The Corporate State, even presenting a copy to Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins.[77]

Keynsianism

Tugwell commented, “Miss Perkins was literate in the Fabian tradition, and so were some of the rest of us.”[78] Perkins commented that, "Combined with the relief program and with public works," the NRA "constituted an effective demonstration of the theories which John Maynard Keynes had been preaching and urging upon the English government," adding:

“ [Keynes] pointed out that the combination of relief, public works, raising wages by NRA codes, distributing moneys to farmers under agricultural adjustment, was doing exactly what his theory would indicate as correct procedure. He was full of faith that we in the United States would prove to the world that this was the answer.[79] ”

Keynes had been involved with Fabian socialism since at least his student days at Cambridge.[80] A a leading Fascist propagandist[81] noted (in a book with a preface by Mussolini):[82]

"Fascism entirely agrees with Mr. Maynard Keynes, despite the latter’s prominent position as a Liberal. In fact, Mr. Keynes’ excellent little book, The End of Laissez-Faire (l926) might, so far as it goes, serve as a useful introduction to fascist economics. There is scarcely anything to object to in it and there is much to applaud.... All this is pure fascist premises."[83]

As Communist Party General Secretary William Z. Foster commented, "The Nazi fascists were especially enthusiastic supporters of Keynes."[84] Former Trotskyite[85] Zygmund Dobbs recounted that Harvard economist Joseph Schumpeter (who "believed that capitalism would be destroyed by its successes, that it would spawn a large intellectual class that made its living by attacking the very bourgeois system of private property and freedom so necessary for the intellectual class’s existence")[86] observed that in Nazi Germany, "A work like Keynes’ General Theory could have appeared unmolested—and did." Oswald Mosley, mentioned earlier, had been a Fabian socialist in 1930, when Keynesian economics was the "officially accepted Fabian line," adds Dobbs. Mosely went on to found the British Union of Fascists, which "at first was modelled after Mussolini’s example but later became patterned after Hitler. Through all these tergiversations, Mosley never had to abandon his Keynesist principles."[87]

Agricultural Adjustment Administration

Roosevelt appointed Johnson’s former business partner George Peek to head the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA). Both men had “worked with the War Industries Board, the agency that regulated American production during World War I, and they believed their experience of managing an economy almost totally sealed off from the world market would suit the country now.”[88] They had long advocated a policy of expanding tariffs to keep foreign agricultural products out of the United States,[89] a policy that would have again rendered the U.S. economy “almost totally sealed off from the world market”[90]—a fair approximation of “autarky,” an economic policy particularly but not exclusively “associated with Nazi economic organization.”[91]

Civilian Conservation Corps

"The German Labor Service (Reichsarbeitsdienst—RAD) arose from a party organization set up in 1931 and known as the NS-Arbeitsdienst for the purpose of easing unemployment,"[92] "like its New Deal equivalent, the Civilian Conservation Corps [CCC],"[93] which would be established two years later.[94] According to Garraty, both

“ were essentially designed to keep young men out of the labor market. Roosevelt described work camps as a means for getting youth ‘off the city street corners,’ Hitler as a way of keeping them from ‘rotting helplessly in the streets.' In both countries much was made of the beneficial social results of mixing thousands of young people from different walks of life in the camps. Furthermore, both were organized on semimilitary lines with the subsidiary purposes of improving the physical fitness of potential soldiers and stimulating public commitment to national service in an emergency.[95] ”

As early as 1933, the manifesto of the first United States Congress Against War and Fascism "pointed to the NRA, the CCC, and the other policies of the Roosevelt administration as indications of America's preparedness for war and Fascism," according to FDR's Attorney General Francis Biddle.[96]

National Youth Administration

The National Youth Administration (NYA) was conceived as a New Deal “alternative to the Hitler Youth,” designed to hold young people “to their patriotic loyalties.”[97] Harry Hopkins told the the NYA's Advisory Committee, “we have a lawyer who will declare anything you want to do legal.”[98] Hopkins had hired the Communist[99] lawyer Lee Pressman back into the government immediately after he was "purged" from AAA.[100] According to Pressman, Hopkins told him, “The first time you tell me I can’t do what I want to do, you’re fired. I’m going to decide what I think has to be done and it’s up to you to see to it that it’s legal.”[101] Among his other hires was Eleanor Roosevelt's close friend Lorena Hickok, whom Hopkins brought into the government on Mrs. Roosevelt's recommendation. Hickok wrote, "If I were 20 years younger and weighed 75 pounds less, I think I'd start out to be the Joan of Arc of the Fascist Movement of the United States."[102]

"Friendly Fascism"

Even some New Dealers have come to see the essential similarities between their ideology and fascism. For example, according to Friendly Fascism, by left-wing political science professor Bertram Gross, a leading architect of liberal social policy under presidents Roosevelt, Truman and Carter:[103]

“ I sought solutions for America's ills... through more power in the hands of central government.... In this I was not alone. Almost all my fellow planners, reformers, social scientists, and urbanists presumed the benevolence of more concentrated government power.

Big Business-Big Government partnerships ..., were the central facts behind the power structures of old fascism in the days of Mussolini, Hitler and the Japanese empire builders.... I see Big Business and Big Government as a joint danger.... Anyone looking for black shirts, mass parties or men on horseback will miss the telltale clues of this creeping fascism.... In America, it would be supermodern and multiethnic—as American as Madison Avenue, executive luncheons, credit cards and apple pie. It would be fascism with a smile.

”

While writing his book, Gross dreamed that he was searching through a huge, empty house for "friendly fascists."

“ I flung open one of the doors," Gross writes. "And there sitting at a typewriter and smiling back at me, I saw myself."[104] ”

Myths

Several myths have formed around both the New Deal and fascism. Among these are the myth that the New Deal ended the Great Depression, that Nazism was a plot by big business rather than a mass movement, and that fascism espoused laissez faire economics and "corporativism" was the rule of corporations over the state, rather than the rule of the state over corporations.

Did the New Deal end the Great Depression?

One study found that New Deal policies actually prolonged the depression by about seven years.[105] In fact, Americans' personal consumption did not rebound to 1929 levels until 1941.[106] "[T]he consensus among historians today," writes Schivelbusch, is "that the United States completely emerged from the Depression only with its entry into World War II."[107] (Some economists challenge this consensus, notably Robert Higgs.)[108]

Was Nazism a capitalist plot?

Socialist Party leader Norman Thomas admitted, "In no way was Hitler the tool of big business."[109] David Schoenbaum notes that the Nazi Party census found the single largest category of Party members was “Workers” (30.3%); the second-largest category was “White collar,” (19.4%), of which 59.1% were in sales; the third-largest category, “Independent”/“Self-Employed” made up 19%, the largest group of whom were in “handicraft” (43.7%). Schoenbaum adds that of the two exhibits most often trotted out in defense of the Naziism-as-capitalist-plot thesis—Fritz Thyssen and the Krupps—that Thyssen eventually had to flee Nazi Germany for Switzerland, while even the Krupps “did not finance Hitler before 1933,” when his victory had become a fait accompli.[110] Moreover, some business people likewise supported FDR's policies (e.g., "Although I'm a capitalist, I happen to believe in [Roosevelt's] program").[111] Even Ronald Reagan was a New Dealer, back when he was a liberal Democrat and a Roosevelt man (although he later saw the light, saying, "Fascism was really the basis of the New Deal").[112]

In fact, much of Nazism was borrowed[113] from American progressives and Democrats[114]—eugenics and "racial hygiene,"[115] for example. As Robert Nisbet observed:

“ the West's first real experience with totalitarianism—political absolutism extended into every possible area of culture and society, education, religion, industry, the arts, local community and family included, with a kind of terror always waiting in the wings—came with the American war state under Woodrow Wilson."[116] ”

Did fascism espouse laissez faire economics?

As Thomas admitted, "the fascists revolutions definitely abolished laissez-faire capitalism in favor of one or another kind and degree of state capitalism."[117] “The programme of the Fascists, as drafted in 1919, was vehemently anti-capitalistic,” wrote Ludwig von Mises. “The most radical New Dealers and even communists could agree with it.”[118] It demanded “Suppression of incorporated joint-stock companies, industrial or financial. Suppression of all speculation by banks and stock exchanges,” and “Control and taxation of private wealth. Confiscation of unproductive income.”[119] The Fascists called this economic system corporativismo (corporativism). As UCLA international relations and political science professor Herbert Steiner observed in 1938, “So substantial are the limitations under which private property and capital are exercised in Italy, that the conception of ‘capitalism’ is avowedly destroyed and replaced by corporativismo.”[120]

Likewise, Nazi "domestic policies were remarkably friendly toward the German lower classes, soaking the wealthy and redistributing the burdens of wartime to the benefit of the underprivileged," including "transferring the tax burden to corporations."[121]

Along with its well-known anti-Semitic and expansionist planks, the Nazi Party program included a number of less-remembered demands that were (and are still) considered “progressive.” For example: “the State shall above all undertake to ensure that every citizen shall have the possibility of living decently and earning a livelihood”, “a generous increase in old-age pensions”, “specially talented children of poor parents, whatever their station or occupation, be educated at the expense of the State”, “help raise the standard of national health” by “providing maternity welfare centers, banning child labor, increasing physical fitness through the introduction of compulsory games and gymnastics, and by the greatest possible encouragement of associations concerned with the physical education of the young,” etc.

The Nazi platform attacked the concept of economic freedom, asserting that the “first duty of every citizen must be to work mentally or physically”, that “all unearned income, and all income that does not arise from work, be abolished... breaking of the tyranny of interest”, that “usurers, profiteers, etc., are to be punished with death, regardless of creed or race”, “total confiscation of all war profits”, “nationalization of all trusts that have gone public [i.e., publicly-traded companies]”, “profit-sharing in large industries”, “ immediate communalization of large stores”, “enactment of a law to expropriate the owners without compensation of any land needed for the common purpose... abolition of ground rents, and the prohibition of all speculation in land”, etc. (Nazi newspapers ran frequent polemics against landlords.)[122]

As against individualism and the free market, the Nazis demanded “creation of a strong central authority in the State”, “COMMON GOOD BEFORE INDIVIDUAL GOOD” [Capitalization in original], that “No individual shall do any work that offends against the interest of the community to the benefit of all”, that “ruthless war be waged against those who work to the injury of the common welfare”, etc.

Finally, the Nazis wiped out free speech and religious freedom, demanding “a legal campaign against those who propagate deliberate political lies and disseminate them through the press”, that “Newspapers transgressing against the common welfare shall be suppressed”, disingenuously promising freedom for all religious faiths “in the state, insofar as they do not endanger its existence” or “offend the moral and ethical sense” of the Germanic race.[123] The Party statutes of May 22, 1926, state of these points: "This program is unalterable."[124] "Architect of the Holocaust" Adolf Eichmann wrote in his memoirs, "My political sympathies inclined towards the left and emphasized socialist aspects every bit as much as nationalist ones.” He and his comrades, said Eichmann, viewed Nazism and Communism as “quasi-siblings."[125] Likewise, in a 1944 article titled "Our Socialism," Nazi Propaganda Minister Josef Goebbels boasted that “We alone [the Nazis] have the best social welfare measures.” In contrast, he wrote, "The Jews are the incarnation of capitalism.”[126] (Even in this antisemitism, the Nazis were following Marx, who wrote, "Let us not look for the secret of the Jew in his religion, but let us look for the secret of his religion in the real Jew. What is the secular basis of Judaism? Practical need, self-interest. What is the worldly religion of the Jew? Huckstering. What is his worldly God? Money.")[127]

By confiscating and redistributing the property of Jews, the Nazis sought what they called “a truly socialist division of personal assets.”[128] To this end, the Nazis enacted price controls, rent controls, exorbitant corporate taxes, farm subsidies and harsh taxes on capital gains,[129] which Hitler denounced as “effortless income.”[130]

Notes

  1. ↑ George Orwell, "Politics and the English Language," Horizon, vol. 13, issue 76 (April 1946), pp. 252-265, reprinted in Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus, Eds., The Collected Essays, Journalism, & Letters, George Orwell, Volume 4: In Front of Your Nose, 1945-1950 (David R. Godine, 2000) ISBN 1567921361, pp. 132, 139
  2. ↑ George Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 1958) ISBN 0156767503, p. 182
  3. ↑ V.I. Lenin, "The Italian Socialist Congress," Pravda, No. 66 (July 15, 1912), reprinted in V.I. Lenin Collected Works, Volume 18 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), pp. 170-172
  4. ↑ Famine in Russia: the hidden horrors of 1921, International Committee of the Red Cross. Cf. Francis Haller, "Secours en temps de paix – la famine en Russie," Le Temps, August 12, 2003
  5. ↑ Philip Hanson, “Is there a third way? Capitalism, socialism and the reform of the Soviet economy,” in B. Dallego, H. Brzezinski and W. Andreff, eds. Convergence and System Change: The Convergence Hypothesis in Light of Transition in Eastern Europe (Dartmouth, 1991) ISBN 1855212188, pp. 149-169, 235 et seq. Cf. Ulrich van Suntum, The Invisible Hand: Economic Thought Yesterday and Today (Springer, 2005) ISBN 3540204970, p. 204
  6. ↑ Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics, 4th Ed., (San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes 1996), p. 817
  7. ↑ David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism (Manchester University Press, 1979) ISBN 0719007615, p. 316
  8. ↑ Artur Moeller van den Bruck's book The Third Reich (1923) was originally entitled The Third Way. (George Lachmann Mosse, Masses and Man: Nationalist and Fascist Perceptions of Reality [Wayne State University Press, 1987] ISBN 0814318959, pp. 84, 166) On Fascism as “third way,” see Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (Princeton University Press, 1996) ISBN 0691006296, p. 94, and Roger Eatwell, Fascism: A History, (London: Allen Lane, 1996), ISBN 071399147X, p. 11.
  9. ↑ "It was the union of the anticapitalist forces of the Right and of the Left, the fusion of radical and conservative socialism, which drove out from Germany everything that was liberal." Friedrich August Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (University of Chicago Press, 2007) ISBN 0226320553, p. 182. By "liberal," Hayek refers to classical liberalism or libertarianism, including free-market economics.
  10. ↑ Amity Shlaes, "The Real Deal," The Wall Street Journal, June 25, 2007
  11. ↑ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, p. 22
  12. ↑ Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis (Yale University Press, 1951), pp. 578-579
  13. ↑ William Safire, Lend Me Your Ears: Great Speeches in History (W. W. Norton & Company, 2004) ISBN 0393059316, p. 940
  14. ↑ Christopher Caldwell, “ER: Authoritarian and Aristocratic, Slate.com, July 28, 1999
  15. ↑ 1289 KGB New York to Moscow, 9 September 1944
  16. ↑ Thomas Griffith, “NEWSWATCH: Comrade of the Powerful,” Time, September 15, 1980
  17. ↑ Lippmann is widely regarded as “the most influential journalist in American history.” Jacqueline Foertsch, American Culture in the 1940s (Edinburgh University Press, 2008) ISBN 0748624139, p. 56
  18. ↑ Russell Baker, “A Revolutionary President, The New York Review of Books, Vol. 56, No. 2 (February 12, 2009)
  19. ↑ “Author Reconstructs FDR's 'Defining Moment',” National Public Radio
  20. ↑ "Gabriel Over the White House," allmovie.com
  21. ↑ Glenn Erickson, "Gabriel Over the White House," dvdsavant.com
  22. ↑ Jonathan Alter, The Defining Moment: FDR's Hundred Days and the Triumph of Hope (Simon and Schuster, 2007) ISBN 0743246012, p. 6
  23. ↑ Saverio Giovacchini, "Benjamin L. Alpers, Dictators, Democracy, & American Public Culture: Envisioning the Totalitarian Enemy, 1920s-1950s," The American Historical Review, Vol. 109, No. 2 (April 2004), p. 553
  24. ↑ Saverio Giovacchini, "Benjamin L. Alpers, Dictators, Democracy, & American Public Culture: Envisioning the Totalitarian Enemy, 1920s-1950s," The American Historical Review, Vol. 109, No. 2 (April 2004), p. 553
  25. ↑ "Gabriel Over the White House," allmovie.com
  26. ↑ Terry Christensen, Reel Politics: American Political Movies from Birth of a Nation to Platoon (Blackwell, 1987) ISBN 0631158448, p. 34. Cf. Peter C. Rollins and John E. O'Connor, eds., Hollywood's White House: The American Presidency in Film and History (University Press of Kentucky, 2005) ISBN 0813191262, p. 153
  27. ↑ Jonathan Alter, “The Defining Moment,” The New York Times, May 7, 2006
  28. ↑ Anne O'Hare McCormick, "VAST TIDES THAT STIR THE CAPITAL; Behind the Tremendous Activity and the Revolutionary Experiments in Washington," The New York Times Sunday Magazine, May 7, 1933, p. SM1
  29. ↑ David Boaz, "Hitler, Mussolini, Roosevelt," Reason, October 2007
  30. ↑ George Henry Soule, The Coming American Revolution (The Macmillan Company, 1934), p. 294
  31. ↑ Spectator, August 18, 1933, p. 211
  32. ↑ Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914-1945 (University of Wisconsin Press, 1996) ISBN 0299148742, p. 230
  33. ↑ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, pp. 23-24
  34. ↑ William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (Harper & Row, 1963), p. 203
  35. ↑ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, p. 19
  36. ↑ Anne O'Hare McCormick, "HITLER SEEKS JOBS FOR ALL GERMANS; 'Does Anything Else Matter?' He Asks, Stressing Efforts to End Unemployment. CROMWELL IS HIS HERO Chancellor Admires Roosevelt for Marching to Objectives Over Congress and Lobbies," The New York Times, July 10, 1933
  37. ↑ A Message from Hitler to Roosevelt, history-of-the-holocaust.org
  38. ↑ Ralph Raico, "FDR — The Man, the Leader, the Legacy, Part 11," Freedom Daily, February 2001
  39. ↑ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, p. 31-32
  40. ↑ Jonah Goldberg, Liberal Fascism: the Secret History of the American Left, from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning (Random House, Inc., 2008) ISBN 0385511841, p.156
  41. ↑ Anne Jackson Fremantle, This Little Band of Prophets: The British Fabians (New American Library, 1960), p. 233
  42. ↑ John T. Flynn, "The Road Ahead," Reader's Digest, February 1950, reprinted in Gregory P. Pavlik. Forgotten Lessons: Selected Essays of John T. Flynn (The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1995) p. 189
  43. ↑ Rose L. Martin, Fabian Freeway: High Road to Socialism in the U.S.A., 1884-1966 (Fidelis, 1968), p. 62
  44. ↑ Gareth Griffith, Socialism and Superior Brains: The Political Thought of Bernard Shaw (CRC Press, 2002) ISBN 0203210832, p. 263
  45. ↑ "Shaw Heaps Praise Upon the Dictators: While Parliaments Get Nowhere, He Says, Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin Do Things," From an Address By George Bernard Shaw, The New York Times, December 10, 1933
  46. ↑ Hollander 1998: 169
  47. ↑ Edvins Snore, The Soviet Story (Clip)
  48. ↑ Dr. Stuart D. Stein, "Life Unworthy of Life" and other Medical Killing Programmes, University of the West of England
  49. ↑ The Listener (London), February 7, 1934
  50. ↑ "The use of poison gas—first carbon monoxide and then Zyklon B—was the technological achievement permitting 'humane killing. Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (Basic Books, 1986) ISBN 0465049052, p. 453
  51. ↑ Thomas Sowell, "Pacifism and war," Jewish World Review, September 24, 2001 (7 Tishrei, 5762)
  52. ↑ Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Coming of the New Deal, 1933-1935 (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2003) ISBN 0618340866, p. 588
  53. ↑ H.G. Wells, “Liberalism and the Revolutionary Spirit,” After Democracy: Addresses and Papers on the Present World Situation (London : Watts, 1932), p. 24
  54. ↑ Jonah Goldberg, Liberal Fascism: the Secret History of the American Left, from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning (Random House, Inc., 2008) ISBN 0385511841, p.122
  55. ↑ David F. Schmitz, The United States and Fascist Italy, 1922-1940 (University of North Carolina Press, 1988) ISBN 080781766X, p. 139
  56. ↑ Elliott Roosevelt, Ed., F.D.R., His Personal Letters, Vol. 3 (Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1947), p. 352
  57. ↑ Long to Tugwell, May 16, 1934, Breckinridge Long Papers, Box 111, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress
  58. ↑ Leonard Peikoff, The Ominous Parallels (Stein and Day, 1982) ISBN 081282850X, p. 293
  59. ↑ John Arthur Garraty, The American Nation, 4th ed., vol. 2 (Harper & Row, 1979) ISBN 0060422696, p. 656
  60. ↑ History, The Society of American Historians
  61. ↑ Janet C. Wright, "Capital and Labor Under Fascism," National Archives, Record Group 9, Records of the National Recovery Administration, Special Research and Planning Reports and Memoranda, 1933-35, Entry 31, Box 3
  62. ↑ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, pp. 23, 27
  63. ↑ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, pp. 24, 27, 30
  64. ↑ Gilbert Holland Montague, 1880-1961, montaguemillennium.com
  65. ↑ Gilbert H. Montague, "Is NRA Fascistic?" The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, July, 1935, pp. 149-161
  66. ↑ John T. Flynn, The Roosevelt Myth (The Devin-Adair Company, 1948) pp. 42-43
  67. ↑ Richard M. Ebeling, "When the Supreme Court Stopped Economic Fascism in America," The Freeman, Vol. 55, No. 8 (October 2005), p. 3
  68. ↑ Hugh Samuel Johnson, arlingtoncemetary.net
  69. ↑ General Hugh Johnson, Condé Nast store
  70. ↑ Associated Press, "Johnson Chosen Industry Chief," The New York Times, May 19, 1933, p. 1
  71. ↑ Thayer Watkins, Ph.D., Faculty & Staff, Economics, San José State University
  72. ↑ Thayer Watkins, "The Economic System of Corporatism," Department of Economics, San José State University
  73. ↑ Walker F. Todd, "The Federal Reserve Board and the Rise of the Corporate State, 1931-1934," Economic Education Bulletin, Vol. XXXV No. 9 (September 1995) pp. 6, 34
  74. ↑ Jonah Goldberg, Hendrick Hertzberg & The F-Word, The Corner (National Review Online), March 5, 2009
  75. ↑ Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Coming of the New Deal, 1933-1935 (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2003) ISBN 0618340866, p. 153
  76. ↑ Sheldon Richman, "Fascism," The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, econlib.org
  77. ↑ Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (The Viking press, 1946) p. 206. Socialist (Kent Worcester, C.L.R. James: A Political Biography [SUNY Press, 1995] ISBN 079142751X, p. 175) George Rawich wrote that Perkins told him Johnson gave each member of the Cabinet a book by Fascist theoretician Giovanni Gentile, “and we all read it with great care.” Schivelbusch suggests the book was actually Mussolini advisor Fausto Pitigliani’s The Italian Corporativist State. (Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 [Macmillan, 2006] ISBN 080507452X, p. 203, n. 28)
  78. ↑ Anne Jackson Fremantle, This little Band of Prophets: The British Fabians (New American Library, 1960), p. 233
  79. ↑ Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (The Viking press, 1946) p. 225
  80. ↑ Michael Holroyd, Lytton Strachey: A Critical Biography, Vol.1: The Unknown Years,1880-1910 (Heinemann, 1967), p. 250; Anne Jackson Fremantle, This Little Band of Prophets: The British Fabians (New American Library, 1960), p. 230
  81. ↑ James Strachey Barnes led a "major group" established "to promote ... fascism," and circulate "fascist propaganda," emphasizing "the positive nature of fascism." Roger Griffin with Matthew Feldman, eds., Fascism: The 'Fascist Epoch' (Taylor & Francis, 2004) ISBN 0415290198, p. 255
  82. ↑ Gaetano Salvemini, Under the Axe of Fascism (Read Books, 2008) ISBN 1443736708, p. 115
  83. ↑ James Strachey Barnes, Universal Aspects of Fascism (London: Williams and Norgate, 1929), pp. 113-115
  84. ↑ William Z. Foster, Outline Political History of the Americas (International Publishers, 1951), p. 597.
  85. ↑ Joel T. LeFevre, About the Author, keynesatharvard.org
  86. ↑ "Joseph Alois Schumpeter (1883-1950), The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (Liberty Fund)
  87. ↑ Zygmund Dobbs, Keynes at Harvard: economic deception as a political credo, (New York: Veritas Foundation, 1960), pp. 88-90
  88. ↑ Eric Rauchway, The Great Depression & the New Deal: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2008) ISBN 0195326342, p. 76
  89. ↑ William J. Barber, From New Era to New Deal: Herbert Hoover, the Economists, and American Economic Policy, 1921-1933 (Cambridge University Press, 1989) ISBN 0521367379, p. 50
  90. ↑ Neil Vousden, The Economics of Trade Protection (Cambridge University Press, 1990) ISBN 052134669X, p. 91
  91. ↑ Gilbert Pleuger, "Economic autarky," new perspective Vol 6, No 3
  92. ↑ United States War Department, Handbook on German Military Forces (Washington: GPO, 1945) p. 203
  93. ↑ David Schoenbaum, Hitler's Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933-1939 (W. W. Norton & Company, 1997) ISBN 0393315541, p. 78
  94. ↑ Executive Order 6101 Starting The Civilian Conservation Corps, The American Presidency Project, University of California - Santa Barbara
  95. ↑ John A. Garraty, "The New Deal, National Socialism, and the Great Depression," The American Historical Review, Vol. 78, No. 4 (October, 1973), pp. 907-944
  96. ↑ Attorney General's list of Subversive Organizations, 1942, page photographically reproduced in M. Stanton Evans, [http://books.google.com/books?id=vz42rDYmf3wC Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemys] (Crown Forum, 2007), p. 56
  97. ↑ Richard A. Reiman , The New Deal & American Youth: Ideas & Ideals in a Depression,” (University of Georgia Press, 1992) ISBN 0820314072. Cf. Herbert Mitgang, “On the New Deal's Effort to Put Youth to Work,” The New York Times, January 13, 1993
  98. ↑ Barton J. Bernstein and Allen J. Matusow (eds.), Twentieth-Century America: Recent Interpretations (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1972) ISBN 0155923919, p. 234
  99. ↑ HUAC 1950, pt. 2: 2850 [PDF 16]
  100. ↑ HUAC 1950, pt. 2: 2849 [PDF 15]
  101. ↑ Gall 1999: 32)
  102. ↑ Lorena A. Hickok, et al., One Third of a Nation: Lorena Hickok Reports on the Great Depression (University of Illinois Press, 1983) ISBN 0252010965, p. 218
  103. ↑ Richard Poe , “Third Way or Third Reich?” FrontPageMagazine, June 22, 2000
  104. ↑ Bertram Myron Gross, Friendly Fascism: The New Face of Power in America (South End Press, 1980) ISBN 0896081494, pp. 3-5
  105. ↑ Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian, "New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: A General Equilibrium Analysis," Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 112, No. 4 (August 2004), pp. 779-816; Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian, "New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: A General Equilibrium Analysis," Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Research Department Staff Report XXX, February 2003. Cf. Meg Sullivan, "FDR's policies prolonged Depression by 7 years, UCLA economists calculate, UCLA Newsroom, August 10, 2004
  106. ↑ No. HS--34. Personal Consumption Expenditures in Current and Real (1996) Dollars, 1929 to 2001, The 2009 Statistical Abstract: Historical Statistics, U.S. Census Bureau
  107. ↑ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939 (Macmillan, 2006) ISBN 080507452X, p. 26
  108. ↑ Using the Friedman-Schwartz price index, Higgs concludes that real personal consumption per capita in the U.S. actually declined during the war, by more than 6 percent during 1941-1943, and did not recover to the 1941 level until 1946. Robert Higgs, "Wartime Prosperity? A Reassessment of the U.S. Economy in the 1940s," The Journal of Economic History, March 1, 1992
  109. ↑ Norman Thomas, A Socialist's Faith (Norton, 1951), pp. 53-35
  110. ↑ David Schoenbaum, Hitler's Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933-1939 (W. W. Norton & Company, 1997) ISBN 0393315541, p. 67
  111. ↑ Lorena A. Hickok, et al., One Third of a Nation: Lorena Hickok Reports on the Great Depression (University of Illinois Press, 1983) ISBN 0252010965, p. 218
  112. ↑ Howell Raines, "Reagan Denies Plan to Answer Carter," The New York Times, August 17, 1980, p. 1
  113. ↑ Southington, Connecticut. School children pledging their allegiance to the flag, United States. Office of War Information. Overseas Picture Division. Washington Division; 1944 (Library of Congress)
  114. ↑ Jim Lindgren, 1938 Gallup poll data, The Volokh Conspiracy, October 21, 2004, 4:03am
  115. ↑ Karlheinz Weissmann, "The Epoch of National Socialism," The Journal of Libertarian Studies Vol. 12 No. 2 (Fall 1996), pp. 257–294
  116. ↑ Robert A. Nisbet, The Twilight of Authority (Oxford University Press, 1975), p. 183
  117. ↑ Norman Thomas, A Socialist's Faith (Norton, 1951), pp. 55
  118. ↑ Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis (Yale University Press, 1951), p. 576
  119. ↑ Count Carlo Sforza, Contemporary Italy - Its Intellectual and Moral Origins (Read Books, 2007) ISBN 1406760307, pp. 295-296
  120. ↑ H. Arthur Steiner, Government in Fascist Italy (McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1938), p. 92
  121. ↑ Gotz Aly, Hitler's Beneficiaries: Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, tr. Jefferson Chase (Macmillan, 2008) ISBN 0805087265, pp. 7, 38
  122. ↑ Gotz Aly, Hitler's Beneficiaries: Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, tr. Jefferson Chase (Macmillan, 2008) ISBN 0805087265, p. 63
  123. ↑ Louis Leo Snyder, Documents of German History (Rutgers University Press, 1958), p. 393 et seq.
  124. ↑ Cullen Bryant Gosnell and Raymond Blalock Nixon, Proceedings: Institute of Citizenship, Vol. 18, Iss. 7, 1932 (Emory University)
  125. ↑ Gotz Aly, Hitler's Beneficiaries: Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, tr. Jefferson Chase (Macmillan, 2008) ISBN 0805087265, pp. 16-17
  126. ↑ Victor Klemperer, I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1942-1945 Vol. 2 (Random House, Inc., 2001) ISBN 0375756973, p. 317
  127. ↑ Karl Marx, "On The Jewish Question," Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher, February 1844
  128. ↑ Gotz Aly, Hitler's Beneficiaries: Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, tr. Jefferson Chase (Macmillan, 2008) ISBN 0805087265, p. 300
  129. ↑ Michael C. Moynihan , "Hitler's Handouts: Inside the Nazis' Welfare State," Reason, August/September 2007
  130. ↑ Gotz Aly, Hitler's Beneficiaries: Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, tr. Jefferson Chase (Macmillan, 2008) ISBN 0805087265, p. 65

Joe McCarthy

The Army's Special Counsel Joseph Welch had a problem: his assistant, Frederick Fisher, whom Welch had brought to Washington from Welch's New York law firm to work on the Army-McCarthy case, was a former member of the National Lawyers Guild, U.S. affiliate of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers,[1] which operated under the control of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[2] Under the Truman loyalty order, such a background could have disqualified Fisher from Federal employment; to have such a person working on the Army's legal team—on a case involving Communist infiltration of the Army, during a war in Korea in which Communists had already killed tens of thousands of Americans—could ruin Welch's case.

According to Cohn, Welch had him agree "not to bring up Fred Fisher in return for Welch's promise not to explore Cohn's military record."[3] Hollywood liberal[4] George Clooney, director and co-writer of the 2005 anti-McCarthy movie Good Night and Good Luck, suggests that this was actually a veiled blackmail threat to “out” Cohn as a homosexual on national television if he mentioned Fisher. As Clooney put it, Welch told Cohn, “you leave this young lawyer at my firm alone [by not calling him a Communist], and we'll leave this [homosexual] issue out.”[5]

After Senator John McClellan, a segregationist Democrat,[6] pressed Cohn on whether there was something “unusual” in his relationship with Schine, according to Herman, “Welch had his sport with him.”

Welch had earlier badgered McCarthy staffer Jim Juliana, an ex-FBI agent—insinuating that Cohn had cropped a photograph of Schine and Stevens—asking Juliana where the photo had come from. Juliana told him he didn't know, upon which Welch asked, "Did you think this came from a pixie?”

When McCarthy asked Welch to define “pixie,” Welch replied pointedly, “a pixie is a close relative of a fairy.”

The camera panned to Schine, Cohn and McCarthy. The whole audience burst into laughter. Obviously furious at Welch's blatant gay-baiting, according to LBJ advisor Eric F. Goldman, Cohn's lips “hardened into angry lines.”[7]

“Shall I proceed, sir?” said Welch. “Have I enlightened you?"

Welch was now continuing in this vein, toying with Cohn: “May I add my small voice, sir, and say whenever you know about a subversive or a Communist spy, please hurry,” he taunted. “Will you remember these words?”

It was this taunt that finally provoked McCarthy to come to the defense of his 26-year old subcommittee counsel, saying, “in view of Mr. Welch's request that information be given once we know of anyone who might be performing work for the Communist Party, I think we should tell him that he has in his law firm a young man named Fisher...”

McCarthy outlined Fisher's background in the NLG,

“Mr. Welch talks about this being cruel and reckless,” said McCarthy. “He was just baiting; he has been baiting Mr. Cohn here for hours...”[8]

Welch turned to Cohn: “I did you, I think, no personal injury, Mr. Cohn?’ Cohn replied: ‘No, sir.’

Cohn later confessed that in fact he found Welch's remark "malicious," "wicked," and "indecent."[9] Even former Soviet agent Michael Straight admitted in the New Republic: “As law the comment was improper; as humor it was unjust...” “That was Welch's technique,” according to radical, left-wing[10] filmmaker Emile de Antonio, whose cinematic attack on McCarthy predated Clooney's by decades.

In researching his movie, Clooney boasted, “we had to go back to the actual initial footage of the Army-McCarthy hearings and watch them all the way through. And we did, all of them, 36 days' worth.” From these 36 days of hearings, Antonio cherry-picked the 97 minutes of footage that put McCarthy in the worst light for Point of Order, a documentary that became the main source of the principal surviving image of McCarthy.[11] (This film in turn was edited still further into a 47-minute version, Charge and Countercharge, for exhibition in public-school classrooms—thus forming an entire generation's view of McCarthy.)[12]

Bursting into tears, Welch fled the Senate caucus room to the applause of the reporters and cameramen packing the gallery.[13] Tears still coursing, according to liberal pundit Nicholas Von Hoffman, Welch winked at reporter John Newhouse,[14] best known today as the author of Imperial America: The Bush Assault on the World Order. Once safely beyond reach of the TV cameras, Welch turned to his assistant and asked, 'Well, how did it go?'”[15]

McCarthy had “already gone after the Army and accused 'em of being traitors,” according to Clooney. “So Secretary [of the Army Robert T.] Stevens and those guys were like, [Expletive deleted] you, we're going to get you any way we can.” (Italics in original.)

References

  1. ↑ "Report on the National Lawyers Guild, legal bulwark of the Communist Party," Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, United States Congress (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1950), p. 11-12 (PDF pp. 17-18). Cf. János Radványi , Psychological Operations and Political Warfare in Long-term Strategic Planning (ABC-CLIO, 1990) ISBN 0275936236, p. 48; Harvey Klehr, Far Left of Center: The American Radical Left Today (New Brunswick , N.J.: Transaction Books, 1988), p. 161
  2. ↑ David Horowitz, The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America (Washington: Regnery Publishing, 2006) ISBN 0895260034, p. 160
  3. ↑ Robert Griffith, The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate (University of Massachusetts Press, 1987) ISBN 0870235559, p. 259, n. 46
  4. ↑ When CNN talk-show host Larry King asked Clooney, “do you think when people say Hollywood's out of touch with ordinary Americans they have a point?” Clooney responded, “in general we tend to be, you know, is there a liberal bend, sure. I don't make any apologies about that. I'm a liberal, you know. I believe in it.” Interview With George Clooney, “Larry King Live,” CNN, February 16, 2006. Likewise, when Clooney made his acceptance speech at the 2006 Academy Awards, he said, “you know, we are a little bit out of touch in Hollywood every once in a while. I think it's probably a good thing.” (Eric Olsen, Oscar 2006 Quotes for Posterity, Blogcritics, March 20, 2006) Clooney emphasized the point: “I'm proud to be a part of this Academy. Proud to be part of this community, and proud to be out of touch.” Miguel Marquez, Is Clooney Right About Hollywood's Social Agenda?, ABC News, March 6, 2006. For this speech, Clooney caught not only from conservatives, but from Hollywood director Spike Lee (“Spike Lee criticises Clooney’s Oscar speech,” Malaysia Star, March 22, 2006) and Comedy Central's South Park (Script from “Smug Alert!” South Park, Season 10, Episode 1002)
  5. ↑ Anne Stockwell, “Clooney vs. the far right,” The Advocate, December 6, 2005, p. 56
  6. ↑ Sheldon Goldman, Picking Federal Judges: Lower Court Selection from Roosevelt Through Reagan (Yale University Press, 1999) ISBN 0300080735, p. 128. Cf. Dean L. Yarwood, When Congress Makes a Joke: Congressional Humor Then and Now (Rowman & Littlefield, 2004) ISBN 0742530434, p. 71
  7. ↑ Eric F. Goldman, The Crucial Decade: America, 1945-1955 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), p. 274
  8. ↑ Erik A. Bruun and Jay Crosby, Our Nation's Archive: The History of the United States in Documents (Black Dog Publishing, 1999) ISBN 1579120679, p. 698
  9. ↑ Neil Miller, Out of the Past: Gay and Lesbian History from 1869 to the Present (Advocate Books, 2005) ISBN 1555838707, p. 147
  10. ↑ Sam Szurek , An Interview with Emile de Antonio, Reverse Shot, Issue 19
  11. ↑ Robert D. Novak, “McCarthy=Bad,” The Weekly Standard, Vol. 13, No. 11 (November 26, 2007)
  12. ↑ As late as 2006, the teachers' guide to the popular American History textbook The American People: Creating a Nation and a Society" recommends both films as enrichment materials. (Mark Simon, Teaching The American People: A Guide for Instructors (Pearson Education, Inc., 2006) ISBN 0-321-39894-7, p. 138. Cf.
  13. ↑ Paul F. Boller, Not so!: popular myths about America from Columbus to Clinton (Oxford University Press US, 1996) ISBN 0195109724, p. 165. Cf. Robert Griffith, The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate (University of Massachusetts Press, 1987) ISBN 0870235559, p. 259
  14. ↑ Nicholas Von Hoffman, Citizen Cohn (Doubleday, 1988) ISBN 0385236905, p. 237
  15. ↑ Richard M. Fried, Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective (Oxford University Press US, 1991) ISBN 0195043618, p. 216. Cf. Arthur Herman, Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator (Simon and Schuster, 2000) ISBN 0684836254, p. 276; Tom Wicker, Shooting Star: The Brief Arc of Joe McCarthy (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2006) ISBN 015101082X, p. 163
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