Changes

'''Atlanta''' is a city and metropolitan area in Georgia; the city is the state capital of Georgia and has a population of 477,000 inside the city limits in 2008; adding in the suburbs, the Atlanta metropolitan area had a population of 5,376,000 in 2008, up from 2.9 million in 1990, making it the 9th largest in the United States. <ref>see [http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/population/013426.html Census Press release March 19, 2009]</ref>.  

'''Atlanta''' is a city and metropolitan area in Georgia; the city is the state capital of Georgia and has a population of 477,000 inside the city limits in 2008; adding in the suburbs, the Atlanta metropolitan area had a population of 5,376,000 in 2008, up from 2.9 million in 1990, making it the 9th largest in the United States.<ref>see [http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/population/013426.html Census Press release March 19, 2009]</ref>   

After a recount, Kasim Reed was declared the winner in the Nov. 2009 election for mayor, beating Mary Norwood, who would have become the first white mayor since 1973 in the predominantly black city.  

After a recount, Kasim Reed was declared the winner in the Nov. 2009 election for mayor, beating Mary Norwood, who would have become the first white mayor since 1973 in the predominantly black city.  

==History==

==History==

Atlanta began as a railroad town in 1837, when the Western and Atlantic Railroad selected an uninhabited site for its western terminus. Here, a small settlement, aptly named Terminus, was built; its name was changed  to Marthasville in 1843 and finally to Atlanta in 1845. With the arrival of two other railroads, Atlanta became a major crossroads and the center of a fast growing transportation network. Wholesalers and bankers located in Atlanta, making it one of the the main inland commercial centers of the Southeast. An important founder was John James "Cousin John" Thrasher (1818-99), an entrepreneur who built railroads in Georgia. Thrasher represented Fulton County in the state legislature during 1859-63, and during the Civil War his Atlanta home was used as a headquarters by the Confederate Army. After the war, Thrasher helped the South rebuild by constructing civic buildings and railroads.

Atlanta began as a railroad town in 1837, when the Western and Atlantic Railroad selected an uninhabited site for its western terminus. Here, a small settlement, aptly named Terminus, was built; its name was changed  to Marthasville in 1843 and finally to Atlanta in 1845. With the arrival of two other railroads, Atlanta became a major crossroads and the center of a fast growing transportation network. Wholesalers and bankers located in Atlanta, making it one of the the main inland commercial centers of the Southeast. An important founder was John James "Cousin John" Thrasher (1818–99), an entrepreneur who built railroads in Georgia. Thrasher represented Fulton County in the state legislature during 1859-63, and during the Civil War his Atlanta home was used as a headquarters by the Confederate Army. After the war, Thrasher helped the South rebuild by constructing civic buildings and railroads.

By the eve of the Civil War, Atlanta, with a population of more than 9,000, was the fourth largest city in Georgia.   

By the eve of the Civil War, Atlanta, with a population of more than 9,000, was the fourth largest city in Georgia.   

===1860-1920===

===1860-1920===

====Civil War====

====Civil War====

The Civil War saw Atlanta as the main object of General [[William T. Sherman]]'s attacks in 1864. The Union bombardment of Atlanta, 20 July-24 August 1864, caused considerable property damage and seriously disrupted the lives of the inhabitants. But civilian casualties were relatively light because many people fled the city even before the bombardment began. Those who remained huddled in backyard caves and cellars during intensive shelling, and employed other techniques to minimize danger.  Confederates burned the downtown as Sherman approached, but it was quickly rebuilt.<ref> Stephen Davis,  "'A Very Barbarous Mode of Carrying on War': Sherman's Artillery Bombardment of Atlanta, July 20-August 24, 1864." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1995 79(1): 57-90. 0016-8297 </ref>  [[File:At-1866.jpg|thumb|270px|the damage was still visible in this 1866 photo of downtown]]

The Civil War saw Atlanta as the main object of General [[William T. Sherman]]'s attacks in 1864. The Union bombardment of Atlanta, 20 July-24 August 1864, caused considerable property damage and seriously disrupted the lives of the inhabitants. But civilian casualties were relatively light because many people fled the city even before the bombardment began. Those who remained huddled in backyard caves and cellars during intensive shelling, and employed other techniques to minimize danger.  Confederates burned the downtown as Sherman approached, but it was quickly rebuilt.<ref>Stephen Davis,  "'A Very Barbarous Mode of Carrying on War': Sherman's Artillery Bombardment of Atlanta, July 20-August 24, 1864." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1995 79(1): 57-90. 0016-8297</ref>  [[File:At-1866.jpg|thumb|270px|the damage was still visible in this 1866 photo of downtown]]

=====Reconstruction=====

=====Reconstruction=====

During [[Reconstruction]] at the end of the war several federal agencies, especially the [[Freedmen's Bureau]] of the Army, and northern religious organizations began operating in Atlanta to aid the freedmen (freed slaves), who poured into the city from the devastated plantations.  The first and most extensive efforts were made by the Union Army through its Freedman's Bureau. In addition American Missionary Association, and the (northern) Methodist Episcopal Church also offered limited assistance. A rudimentary school system was established.

During [[Reconstruction]] at the end of the war several federal agencies, especially the [[Freedmen's Bureau]] of the Army, and northern religious organizations began operating in Atlanta to aid the freedmen (freed slaves), who poured into the city from the devastated plantations.  The first and most extensive efforts were made by the Union Army through its Freedman's Bureau. In addition American Missionary Association, and the (northern) Methodist Episcopal Church also offered limited assistance. A rudimentary school system was established.

With its central location and excellent railroad connections, Atlanta became a major commercial center. Boosters moved the state capital here in 1868. The greatest booster of all was [[Henry W. Grady]], who became managing editor of the ''Atlanta Constitution'' in 1880, and became the principal spokesman for the New South. In his famous 1886 speech, "The New South," given before the New England Society in New York City, Grady won over his Yankee audience with wit and charm and the message that the wounds of the Civil War had healed and that the South was meeting the challenges of the new era.  

With its central location and excellent railroad connections, Atlanta became a major commercial center. Boosters moved the state capital here in 1868. The greatest booster of all was [[Henry W. Grady]], who became managing editor of the ''Atlanta Constitution'' in 1880, and became the principal spokesman for the New South. In his famous 1886 speech, "The New South," given before the New England Society in New York City, Grady won over his Yankee audience with wit and charm and the message that the wounds of the Civil War had healed and that the South was meeting the challenges of the new era.  

Local entrepreneurs then and now) heavily promoted tourism and conventions. Atlanta hospitality businesses, especially hotels, saloons, and theaters, grew rapidly from 1880 to 1900. Three major expositions and a convention attracted tens of thousands of visitors: the International Cotton Exposition (1881), the National Commercial Convention (1885), the Piedmont Exposition (1887), and the Cotton States and International Exposition (1895).  At the 1895 event black leader [[Booker T. Washington]] proclaimed the "Atlanta Compromise," which involved middle class white support for black education, with the quiet promise of an end to black political activism.<ref> Harvey K. Newman, "Atlanta's Hospitality Businesses in the New South Era, 1880-1900." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1996 80(1): 53-76. 0016-8297 </Ref>  

Local entrepreneurs then and now) heavily promoted tourism and conventions. Atlanta hospitality businesses, especially hotels, saloons, and theaters, grew rapidly from 1880 to 1900. Three major expositions and a convention attracted tens of thousands of visitors: the International Cotton Exposition (1881), the National Commercial Convention (1885), the Piedmont Exposition (1887), and the Cotton States and International Exposition (1895).  At the 1895 event black leader [[Booker T. Washington]] proclaimed the "Atlanta Compromise," which involved middle class white support for black education, with the quiet promise of an end to black political activism.<ref>Harvey K. Newman, "Atlanta's Hospitality Businesses in the New South Era, 1880-1900." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1996 80(1): 53-76. 0016-8297</ref>  

Christian evangelicals lost the battle over the commercialization of the theater and other entertainments in downtown Atlanta but held ground in their opposition to Sunday motion pictures. Dime museums, vaudeville, and burlesque attracted scores from the white working class, while drawing criticisms from an elite that was self-consciously attempting to establish Atlanta's position as a regional center of high culture. The white cultural elite turned to the high culture of New York and Paris, notably opera and classical music. They found it impossible to gain support for such new forms of entertainments among the fellow upper crust, who were only a generation removed from the plantations. Meanwhile the city's black elite sought to distinguish itself from the black working class which sponsored jazz in its brothels.  The city's white and black laboring classes, without concern for appearances or the image they were projecting, were responsible for Atlanta's development into a true cultural center of blues, country, and hillbilly music.<ref> Steve Goodson, ''Highbrows, Hillbillies, and Hellfire: Public Entertainment in Atlanta, 1880-1930'' (2002)</ref>

Christian evangelicals lost the battle over the commercialization of the theater and other entertainments in downtown Atlanta but held ground in their opposition to Sunday motion pictures. Dime museums, vaudeville, and burlesque attracted scores from the white working class, while drawing criticisms from an elite that was self-consciously attempting to establish Atlanta's position as a regional center of high culture. The white cultural elite turned to the high culture of New York and Paris, notably opera and classical music. They found it impossible to gain support for such new forms of entertainments among the fellow upper crust, who were only a generation removed from the plantations. Meanwhile the city's black elite sought to distinguish itself from the black working class which sponsored jazz in its brothels.  The city's white and black laboring classes, without concern for appearances or the image they were projecting, were responsible for Atlanta's development into a true cultural center of blues, country, and hillbilly music.<ref>Steve Goodson, ''Highbrows, Hillbillies, and Hellfire: Public Entertainment in Atlanta, 1880-1930'' (2002)</ref>

The Atlanta chapter of the [[Women's Christian Temperance Union]] (WCTU) was founded in 1880, followed in 1883 by the Georgia WCTU under the presidency of Jane Elizabeth Sibley. The organization at first enjoyed close relations with the [[Methodist Episcopal Church, South|Methodist Church in Georgia]] but conflict later arose over the issue of women's rights, particularly since the WCTU had close connections with the Georgia Women's Suffrage Association, set up in 1889. Warren Akin Candler, president of Emory College, was a particularly vociferous Methodist opponent of WCTU support for female suffrage in the 1890s.<ref> Nancy A. Hardesty, "'The Best Temperance Organization in the Land': Southern Methodists and the W.C.T.U." ''Methodist History'' 1990 28(3): 187-194. 0026-1238 </ref>  

The Atlanta chapter of the [[Women's Christian Temperance Union]] (WCTU) was founded in 1880, followed in 1883 by the Georgia WCTU under the presidency of Jane Elizabeth Sibley. The organization at first enjoyed close relations with the [[Methodist Episcopal Church, South|Methodist Church in Georgia]] but conflict later arose over the issue of women's rights, particularly since the WCTU had close connections with the Georgia Women's Suffrage Association, set up in 1889. Warren Akin Candler, president of Emory College, was a particularly vociferous Methodist opponent of WCTU support for female suffrage in the 1890s.<ref>Nancy A. Hardesty, "'The Best Temperance Organization in the Land': Southern Methodists and the W.C.T.U." ''Methodist History'' 1990 28(3): 187-194. 0026-1238</ref>  

Given the success of the WCTU and the churches in banning liquor from middle class homes, Southern pharmacists searched for a concoction that would quench thirst without alcohol.  The stunning breakthrough took place in Atlanta's large patent medicine industry by three pharmacists. John Stith Pemberton, who moved to Atlanta in 1870, became noted for developing Coca-Cola. He urged customers to "drink the brain tonic and intellectual soda fountain beverage, Coca-Cola." During the 1880s, Joseph Jacobs developed a variety of proprietary products that he dispensed in his Atlanta pharmacy. He also acquired a financial interest in Coca-Cola that was to increase his wealth. Asa G. Candler (1851-1929) was another Atlanta pharmacist interested in selling proprietary medicines. He became convinced of Coca-Cola's commercial potential and disposed of all of his resources to promote his interest in the product, which he had purchased in 1888. Coke remains headquartered in the city. Candler at first advertised the therapeutic values of his drink. By 1900 he realized that this limited the potential clientèle to sick people, and he therefore switched to the appeal that Coke and pleasure were synonymous.  Candler, who became mayor in 1916, was a conservative felt that the urban commercial elite had a responsibility to improve the living conditions of the poor and the working classes. The family sold its stake in Coca Cola in 1919 to  a group of investors led by Ernest Woodruff (1863-1944).  Robert Winship Woodruff (1889 – 1985) ran the company from 1923 until 1954 and used his vast fortune to promote Atlanta and Emory.<ref> James Harvey Young, "Three Atlanta Pharmacists," ''Pharmacy in History'' 1989 31(1): 16-22. 0031-7047 </ref>  

Given the success of the WCTU and the churches in banning liquor from middle class homes, Southern pharmacists searched for a concoction that would quench thirst without alcohol.  The stunning breakthrough took place in Atlanta's large patent medicine industry by three pharmacists. John Stith Pemberton, who moved to Atlanta in 1870, became noted for developing Coca-Cola. He urged customers to "drink the brain tonic and intellectual soda fountain beverage, Coca-Cola." During the 1880s, Joseph Jacobs developed a variety of proprietary products that he dispensed in his Atlanta pharmacy. He also acquired a financial interest in Coca-Cola that was to increase his wealth. Asa G. Candler (1851-1929) was another Atlanta pharmacist interested in selling proprietary medicines. He became convinced of Coca-Cola's commercial potential and disposed of all of his resources to promote his interest in the product, which he had purchased in 1888. Coke remains headquartered in the city. Candler at first advertised the therapeutic values of his drink. By 1900 he realized that this limited the potential clientèle to sick people, and he therefore switched to the appeal that Coke and pleasure were synonymous.  Candler, who became mayor in 1916, was a conservative felt that the urban commercial elite had a responsibility to improve the living conditions of the poor and the working classes. The family sold its stake in Coca Cola in 1919 to  a group of investors led by Ernest Woodruff (1863-1944).  Robert Winship Woodruff (1889 – 1985) ran the company from 1923 until 1954 and used his vast fortune to promote Atlanta and Emory.<ref>James Harvey Young, "Three Atlanta Pharmacists," ''Pharmacy in History'' 1989 31(1): 16-22. 0031-7047</ref>  

====Progressive Era====

====Progressive Era====

[[File:Atl-5points.jpg|thumb|350px|Five Points in 1910]] Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref> Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867 </Ref>  

[[File:Atl-5points.jpg|thumb|350px|Five Points in 1910]] Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref>Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867</ref>  

The Chamber of Commerce's monthly magazine "The City Builder" (1916-35) was used by boosters to define Atlanta's unique characteristics and to apply them to daily city life. Money, morality, idealism, and sanctification of the city became known collectively as "the Atlanta Spirit," which supposedly united all citizens in a fervor of boosterism. Local businessmen hoped to attract new industries and populations by these zealous appeals to civic pride, which included the black community. It published information about the labor force, particularly its skill, cleanliness, and docility, observing that the Blacks knew their place. Realizing that Atlanta was the center of the cotton economy, it promoted agricultural growth, improvement in farm productivity, modernization of the state education system, and extolled the talent of its businessmen.<ref> Charles Garofalo, "The Atlanta Spirit: A Study in Urban Ideology," ''South Atlantic Quarterly'' 1975 74(1): 34-44. 0038-2876 </ref>

The Chamber of Commerce's monthly magazine "The City Builder" (1916–35) was used by boosters to define Atlanta's unique characteristics and to apply them to daily city life. Money, morality, idealism, and sanctification of the city became known collectively as "the Atlanta Spirit," which supposedly united all citizens in a fervor of boosterism. Local businessmen hoped to attract new industries and populations by these zealous appeals to civic pride, which included the black community. It published information about the labor force, particularly its skill, cleanliness, and docility, observing that the Blacks knew their place. Realizing that Atlanta was the center of the cotton economy, it promoted agricultural growth, improvement in farm productivity, modernization of the state education system, and extolled the talent of its businessmen.<ref>Charles Garofalo, "The Atlanta Spirit: A Study in Urban Ideology," ''South Atlantic Quarterly'' 1975 74(1): 34-44. 0038-2876</ref>

In early-20th-century Atlanta, police often arrested or detained young working-class women who frequented cheap theaters and other places of amusement. The stated object was to protect women from becoming victims of prostitution and other vices, but it seems to have been more a Progressive Era technique to control male vice. It was easier and less controversial to control women's activities than to attempt to control the entertainment businesses. The coming of World War I in 1917 and the presence of a large Army facility at nearby Camp Gordon intensified the enforcement efforts and prompted the hiring of full-fledged policewomen, an Atlanta "first," to more effectively patrol the streets and inspect commercial establishments where prostitution was suspected.<ref>Georgina  Hickey, "Waging War on 'Loose Living Hotels' and 'Cheap Soda Water Joints': The Criminalization of Working-Class Women in Atlanta's Public Space." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1998 82(4): 775-800. 0016-8297 </Ref>  

In early-20th-century Atlanta, police often arrested or detained young working-class women who frequented cheap theaters and other places of amusement. The stated object was to protect women from becoming victims of prostitution and other vices, but it seems to have been more a Progressive Era technique to control male vice. It was easier and less controversial to control women's activities than to attempt to control the entertainment businesses. The coming of World War I in 1917 and the presence of a large Army facility at nearby Camp Gordon intensified the enforcement efforts and prompted the hiring of full-fledged policewomen, an Atlanta "first," to more effectively patrol the streets and inspect commercial establishments where prostitution was suspected.<ref>Georgina  Hickey, "Waging War on 'Loose Living Hotels' and 'Cheap Soda Water Joints': The Criminalization of Working-Class Women in Atlanta's Public Space." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1998 82(4): 775-800. 0016-8297</ref>  

Leo Frank, Jewish co-owner of an Atlanta pencil factory, was convicted in 1913 of murdering Mary Phagan, a 13-year-old white Catholic employee, but after his sentence was commuted by the governor of Georgia in 1915, he was taken by a mob from a Milledgeville, Georgia, prison and lynched.  Many historians believe he was innocent in the first place and was the victim of anti-Semitism.<ref> Nancy MacLean, "The Leo Frank Case Reconsidered: Gender and Sexual Politics in the Making of Reactionary Populism," ''Journal of American History,'' Vol. 78, No. 3 (Dec., 1991), pp. 917-948 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2078796 in JSTOR]</ref>

Leo Frank, Jewish co-owner of an Atlanta pencil factory, was convicted in 1913 of murdering Mary Phagan, a 13-year-old white Catholic employee, but after his sentence was commuted by the governor of Georgia in 1915, he was taken by a mob from a Milledgeville, Georgia, prison and lynched.  Many historians believe he was innocent in the first place and was the victim of anti-Semitism.<ref>Nancy MacLean, "The Leo Frank Case Reconsidered: Gender and Sexual Politics in the Making of Reactionary Populism," ''Journal of American History,'' Vol. 78, No. 3 (Dec., 1991), pp. 917-948 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2078796 in JSTOR]</ref>

[[File:At-church-1914.jpg|thumb|350px|left|churches in 1914]]

[[File:At-church-1914.jpg|thumb|350px|left|churches in 1914]]

As a center for religion and publishing Atlanta could not rival Nashville, but it made its mark. John Melvin Henson (1887-1972) was an Atlanta-based composer and publisher of gospel music songbooks, and the proprietor of the J. M. Henson Music Company. Henson's company and the gospel songbooks he published were central to the gospel singing conventions that were popular in the South before World War II but declined thereafter.<ref> Wayne W. Daniel, "J. M. Henson, Gospel Music Entrepreneur." ''Tennessee Folklore Society Bulletin'' 1996 57(4): 147-153. 0040-3253 </ref>

As a center for religion and publishing Atlanta could not rival Nashville, but it made its mark. John Melvin Henson (1887-1972) was an Atlanta-based composer and publisher of gospel music songbooks, and the proprietor of the J. M. Henson Music Company. Henson's company and the gospel songbooks he published were central to the gospel singing conventions that were popular in the South before World War II but declined thereafter.<ref>Wayne W. Daniel, "J. M. Henson, Gospel Music Entrepreneur." ''Tennessee Folklore Society Bulletin'' 1996 57(4): 147-153. 0040-3253</ref>

[[File:At-peachtree.jpg|thumb|300px|Peachtree Street in 1935]]

[[File:At-peachtree.jpg|thumb|300px|Peachtree Street in 1935]]

[[File:At-black-band.jpg|thumb|300px|Summit Avenue Ensemble, 1899]]

[[File:At-black-band.jpg|thumb|300px|Summit Avenue Ensemble, 1899]]

=====Higher education=====

=====Higher education=====

The blacks made Atlanta their national center for higher education. Atlanta University was founded by the American Missionary Association in 1865. Atlanta Baptist College for men (now Morehouse College) opened in 1867, and Clark University, supported by the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, was established in 1870. The final two schools of what would later become the Atlanta University Center -- Morris Brown College, affiliated with the African Methodist Episcopal Church (A.M.E.), and Spelman Seminary (Spelman College) for women, a Baptist school -- opened in 1881. At first these were advanced secondary schools, this nucleus of black higher provided important educational and training opportunities for Atlanta's black students and contributed to the growth of what by 1910 was a large and well-educated black middle class second in size only to Washington. By contrast the public school system lagged far behind, so that working class black Atlanta had low levels of schooling.   

The blacks made Atlanta their national center for higher education. Atlanta University was founded by the American Missionary Association in 1865. Atlanta Baptist College for men (now Morehouse College) opened in 1867, and Clark University, supported by the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, was established in 1870. The final two schools of what would later become the Atlanta University Center—Morris Brown College, affiliated with the African Methodist Episcopal Church (A.M.E.), and Spelman Seminary (Spelman College) for women, a Baptist school—opened in 1881. At first these were advanced secondary schools, this nucleus of black higher provided important educational and training opportunities for Atlanta's black students and contributed to the growth of what by 1910 was a large and well-educated black middle class second in size only to Washington. By contrast the public school system lagged far behind, so that working class black Atlanta had low levels of schooling.   

Not until the 1920s did Atlanta open its first black public high school. It came about because blacks worked through their churches to vote in city bond referendums and negotiated with the Commission on  Interracial Cooperation to gain a commitment from the board of education to build a black high school. It was located on the west side of  town, where pioneer black businessman, banker, realtor, and builder Heman Perry was  already developing new homes for Atlanta's upscale blacks.  

Not until the 1920s did Atlanta open its first black public high school. It came about because blacks worked through their churches to vote in city bond referendums and negotiated with the Commission on  Interracial Cooperation to gain a commitment from the board of education to build a black high school. It was located on the west side of  town, where pioneer black businessman, banker, realtor, and builder Heman Perry was  already developing new homes for Atlanta's upscale blacks.  

=====Jim Crow=====

=====Jim Crow=====

It was the era of [[Jim Crow]] and by 1880 all public spaces and transportation lines were racially segregated, with inferior facilities for blacks.  As the population surged 1880-1910 blue collar workers moved to the city and entrepreneurs built rental housing for them.  Real estate agents sold property for development of cheaply built rental homes. Unlike other cities, such houses were mixed in with more upscale middle-class homes, making neighbors of skilled and unskilled whites and African Americans. There was little neighborhood segregation by race or class, although the races did not mingle socially. Industrial jobs within walking distance made the housing attractive. By 1910 neighborhoods were becoming class and race conscious, and the people who had rented houses on their property to working-class whites and blacks were moving to segregated, middle-class suburbs.<ref> Leeann Bishop Lands,  "Speculators Attention!" Workers and Rental Housing Development in Atlanta, 1880 To 1910" ''Journal of Urban History'' 2002 28(5): 546-572. 0096-1442 </Ref>

It was the era of [[Jim Crow]] and by 1880 all public spaces and transportation lines were racially segregated, with inferior facilities for blacks.  As the population surged 1880-1910 blue collar workers moved to the city and entrepreneurs built rental housing for them.  Real estate agents sold property for development of cheaply built rental homes. Unlike other cities, such houses were mixed in with more upscale middle-class homes, making neighbors of skilled and unskilled whites and African Americans. There was little neighborhood segregation by race or class, although the races did not mingle socially. Industrial jobs within walking distance made the housing attractive. By 1910 neighborhoods were becoming class and race conscious, and the people who had rented houses on their property to working-class whites and blacks were moving to segregated, middle-class suburbs.<ref>Leeann Bishop Lands,  "Speculators Attention!" Workers and Rental Housing Development in Atlanta, 1880 To 1910" ''Journal of Urban History'' 2002 28(5): 546-572. 0096-1442</ref>

=====1906 Race Riot=====

=====1906 Race Riot=====

The segregation did not prevent racial violence, most notably the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906. Racial tensions were intensified by a long and bitter campaign for governor in which both white candidates, Hoke Smith and Clark Howell, called for the complete exclusion of blacks from the political process. Following a series of wild rumors of wanton black attacks on white women, a race riot erupted in the city in which whites attacked blacks on the street. Spurred on by lurid newspaper accounts of black rapists and rumors of black insurrection, roving gangs of white males attacked African Americans wherever they could find them in the downtown area and in nearby black neighborhoods.  There were at least 25 dead (mostly black men), hundreds injured, and thousands of dollars in property damage.<ref> See Mark Bauerlein, ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online]; Gregory Mixon, ''The Atlanta Riot: Race, Class, and Violence in A New South City'' (2005); Charles Crowe, "Racial Massacre in Atlanta September 22, 1906," ''Journal of Negro History,'' Vol. 54, No. 2 (Apr., 1969), pp. 150-173 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2716690 in JSTOR]</ref> After the riot geographical segregation intensified.   

The segregation did not prevent racial violence, most notably the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906. Racial tensions were intensified by a long and bitter campaign for governor in which both white candidates, Hoke Smith and Clark Howell, called for the complete exclusion of blacks from the political process. Following a series of wild rumors of wanton black attacks on white women, a race riot erupted in the city in which whites attacked blacks on the street. Spurred on by lurid newspaper accounts of black rapists and rumors of black insurrection, roving gangs of white males attacked African Americans wherever they could find them in the downtown area and in nearby black neighborhoods.  There were at least 25 dead (mostly black men), hundreds injured, and thousands of dollars in property damage.<ref>See Mark Bauerlein, ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online]; Gregory Mixon, ''The Atlanta Riot: Race, Class, and Violence in A New South City'' (2005); Charles Crowe, "Racial Massacre in Atlanta September 22, 1906," ''Journal of Negro History,'' Vol. 54, No. 2 (Apr., 1969), pp. 150-173 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2716690 in JSTOR]</ref> After the riot geographical segregation intensified.   

One major long-term result was that black and white elites forged an interracial alliance dedicated to the preservation of law and order. The new "Atlanta Plan" did maintain the peace and allowed the city to flourish commercially, but required black elites to reduce their ties to working-class blacks, renounce militancy, and accept the leadership of moderate white businessmen who endeavored to protect blacks from white demagogues.  The violence ended as boosters boasted that Atlanta was  "a city too busy to hate." This allowed for the emergence of a powerful black middle class, represented in the 1930s by Rev. Martin Luther King, Senior. It worked closely with the white elite.  His famous son Rev. [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]] rejected the compromise in the 1950s and sought confrontations with segregationists in Alabama.<ref>David Fort Godshalk, ''Veiled Visions: The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations'' (2005)</ref>

One major long-term result was that black and white elites forged an interracial alliance dedicated to the preservation of law and order. The new "Atlanta Plan" did maintain the peace and allowed the city to flourish commercially, but required black elites to reduce their ties to working-class blacks, renounce militancy, and accept the leadership of moderate white businessmen who endeavored to protect blacks from white demagogues.  The violence ended as boosters boasted that Atlanta was  "a city too busy to hate." This allowed for the emergence of a powerful black middle class, represented in the 1930s by Rev. Martin Luther King, Senior. It worked closely with the white elite.  His famous son Rev. [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]] rejected the compromise in the 1950s and sought confrontations with segregationists in Alabama.<ref>David Fort Godshalk, ''Veiled Visions: The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations'' (2005)</ref>

=====Black entrepreneurs=====

=====Black entrepreneurs=====

The leading black entrepreneur was Heman Edward Perry, who developed major black business enterprises in segregated Atlanta during the first quarter of the 20th century. Perry arrived in Atlanta in 1908 after learning the insurance business in New York. He perceived that there were great possibilities for insurance sales in the black community. Perry quickly began an effort to raise funds to finance his Standard Life Insurance Company, which was state-chartered in 1913. This company proved profitable and Perry began to expand into other commercial enterprises, which included banking, printing, and construction. Through these enterprises, Perry initiated a substantial part of the business foundation of the modern black community in Atlanta. Even his subsequent failures did not diminish his major impact in broadening black enterprise and pride in Atlanta.<ref> Alexa Benson Henderson, "Heman E. Perry and Black Enterprise in Atlanta, 1908-1925." ''Business History Review'' 1987 61(2): 216-242. 0007-6805</ref>  

The leading black entrepreneur was Heman Edward Perry, who developed major black business enterprises in segregated Atlanta during the first quarter of the 20th century. Perry arrived in Atlanta in 1908 after learning the insurance business in New York. He perceived that there were great possibilities for insurance sales in the black community. Perry quickly began an effort to raise funds to finance his Standard Life Insurance Company, which was state-chartered in 1913. This company proved profitable and Perry began to expand into other commercial enterprises, which included banking, printing, and construction. Through these enterprises, Perry initiated a substantial part of the business foundation of the modern black community in Atlanta. Even his subsequent failures did not diminish his major impact in broadening black enterprise and pride in Atlanta.<ref>Alexa Benson Henderson, "Heman E. Perry and Black Enterprise in Atlanta, 1908-1925." ''Business History Review'' 1987 61(2): 216-242. 0007-6805</ref>  

[[File:At-blacks.jpg|thumb|270px]]

[[File:At-blacks.jpg|thumb|270px]]

By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow.

By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow.

The [[Chamber of Commerce]] is a local private organization that supports civic activism and economic growth in the community. Its members are local businesses and not-for profit organizations (such as hospitals and universities).  It represents "[[Main Street]]" (that is, locally owned businesses, but also includes branches of national chains.

The [[Chamber of Commerce]] is a local private organization that supports civic activism and economic growth in the community. Its members are local businesses and not-for profit organizations (such as hospitals and universities).  It represents "[[Main Street]]" (that is, locally owned businesses, but also includes branches of national chains.

The Atlanta Chamber of Commerce was deeply interested in the urbanization and industrialization of both Atlanta and Georgia. [[Henry Grady]] (1851-89) was their model, 'the spirit of Atlanta,' whom all southern businessmen sought to emulate in elevating the South. In an effort to attract northern capital and further industrialization, the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce boosted and published information about the labor force, particularly its skill, cleanliness, and docility, observing that the Blacks accepted segregation and were good workers. They also became interested in agricultural growth, improvement in productivity, in the cultural and economic value of the state education system, and the talent of its businessmen.<ref>Charles Paul Garofalo, "The Sons of Henry Grady: Atlanta Boosters in the 1920s," ''Journal of Southern History'' 1976 42(2): 187-204, [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2206750  in JSTOR] </ref>

The Atlanta Chamber of Commerce was deeply interested in the urbanization and industrialization of both Atlanta and Georgia. [[Henry Grady]] (1851–89) was their model, 'the spirit of Atlanta,' whom all southern businessmen sought to emulate in elevating the South. In an effort to attract northern capital and further industrialization, the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce boosted and published information about the labor force, particularly its skill, cleanliness, and docility, observing that the Blacks accepted segregation and were good workers. They also became interested in agricultural growth, improvement in productivity, in the cultural and economic value of the state education system, and the talent of its businessmen.<ref>Charles Paul Garofalo, "The Sons of Henry Grady: Atlanta Boosters in the 1920s," ''Journal of Southern History'' 1976 42(2): 187-204, [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2206750  in JSTOR]</ref>

====Great Depression====

====Great Depression====

The city was a stronghold of the New Deal, and blacks now switched from loyalty to the Republican party to the Democratic party, even though they could not yet vote.

The city was a stronghold of the New Deal, and blacks now switched from loyalty to the Republican party to the Democratic party, even though they could not yet vote.

Women suffered from poverty and unemployment. A caste system based on a woman's race, age, and (sometimes) marital status determined the type of job she was likely to have. Statistics indicate that, generally, black women had greater difficulty in the job market and were employed as domestics, while white women held clerical positions.<ref> Julia Kirk Blackwelder, "Quiet Suffering: Atlanta Women in the 1930s," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1977 61(2): 112-124. 0016-8297 </ref>   

Women suffered from poverty and unemployment. A caste system based on a woman's race, age, and (sometimes) marital status determined the type of job she was likely to have. Statistics indicate that, generally, black women had greater difficulty in the job market and were employed as domestics, while white women held clerical positions.<ref>Julia Kirk Blackwelder, "Quiet Suffering: Atlanta Women in the 1930s," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1977 61(2): 112-124. 0016-8297</ref>   

The spectacular premier in Atlanta of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''[[Gone with the Wind]]'' in December 1939 was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new stage in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South.  It was a segregated event that attracted several hundred thousand spectators. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref> Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975 </ref>

The spectacular premier in Atlanta of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''[[Gone with the Wind]]'' in December 1939 was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new stage in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South.  It was a segregated event that attracted several hundred thousand spectators. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref>Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975</ref>

[[File:At-5points-1935.jpg|thumb|325px|5 Points in 1935]]

[[File:At-5points-1935.jpg|thumb|325px|5 Points in 1935]]

===1945 to present===

===1945 to present===

=====Mayor Hartsfield=====

=====Mayor Hartsfield=====

William Hartsfield (1890-1971) came from a working class background and never attended college; instead he educated himself at the Atlanta Public Library.<ref> See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-599&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  He became a lawyer and was elected to the city council in 1923, where he promoted Atlanta as the logical hub of aviation in the South. He negotiated the purchase of land for a municipal airport and won federal designation of Atlanta as a terminal and transfer point on the first New York-Miami and Chicago-Jacksonville air routes. He was elected mayor in 1936, serving, with one brief interruption, until 1961.

William Hartsfield (1890-1971) came from a working class background and never attended college; instead he educated himself at the Atlanta Public Library.<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-599&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  He became a lawyer and was elected to the city council in 1923, where he promoted Atlanta as the logical hub of aviation in the South. He negotiated the purchase of land for a municipal airport and won federal designation of Atlanta as a terminal and transfer point on the first New York-Miami and Chicago-Jacksonville air routes. He was elected mayor in 1936, serving, with one brief interruption, until 1961.

Hartsfield's goal was to make Atlanta the dominant southern city. With support from top business leaders he initiated a vast program of infrastructure improvements while showing a budget surplus every year. By 1959, Atlanta's metropolitan population had surpassed one million, and Hartsfield had tripled the territorial limits of the city from 35 to 118 square miles through a controversial annexation enacted by the state legislature over the opposition of suburban homeowners who objected to paying city taxes.   

Hartsfield's goal was to make Atlanta the dominant southern city. With support from top business leaders he initiated a vast program of infrastructure improvements while showing a budget surplus every year. By 1959, Atlanta's metropolitan population had surpassed one million, and Hartsfield had tripled the territorial limits of the city from 35 to 118 square miles through a controversial annexation enacted by the state legislature over the opposition of suburban homeowners who objected to paying city taxes.   

[[File:At-1946-vote.jpg|thumb|left|380px|Blacks register to vote at court house for first time in 1946]]

[[File:At-1946-vote.jpg|thumb|left|380px|Blacks register to vote at court house for first time in 1946]]

Hartsfield and the business leaders wanted no racial troubles, so they approved of steady advances in black rights. Atlanta escaped the turmoil that characterized the civil rights era elsewhere. When the U.S. Supreme Court declared in 1944 that black voters could no longer be excluded from Democratic primaries, Hartsfield began to court the black leadership of his city. African Americans voters became an important element of his coalition, along with upscale whites and business leaders. He appointed Atlanta's first black police officers in 1948, ended segregation on buses and trolleys in 1957, and presided over the integration of city schools in 1961. Shortly after his death in 1971 his beloved Atlanta Municipal Airport, now one of the busiest in the world, was renamed the William Berry Hartsfield International Airport; it is now called the [[Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport]].<ref> See Harold H. Martin, ''William Berry Hartsfield: Mayor of Atlanta'' (1978)</ref>

Hartsfield and the business leaders wanted no racial troubles, so they approved of steady advances in black rights. Atlanta escaped the turmoil that characterized the civil rights era elsewhere. When the U.S. Supreme Court declared in 1944 that black voters could no longer be excluded from Democratic primaries, Hartsfield began to court the black leadership of his city. African Americans voters became an important element of his coalition, along with upscale whites and business leaders. He appointed Atlanta's first black police officers in 1948, ended segregation on buses and trolleys in 1957, and presided over the integration of city schools in 1961. Shortly after his death in 1971 his beloved Atlanta Municipal Airport, now one of the busiest in the world, was renamed the William Berry Hartsfield International Airport; it is now called the [[Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport]].<ref>See Harold H. Martin, ''William Berry Hartsfield: Mayor of Atlanta'' (1978)</ref>

====Ending segregation====

====Ending segregation====

Atlanta became a staging point for black civil rights activists in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as they moved across the South arousing support and confronting segregation.  There was little conflict in Atlanta itself, however.

Atlanta became a staging point for black civil rights activists in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as they moved across the South arousing support and confronting segregation.  There was little conflict in Atlanta itself, however.

Progressives on race relations, such as ''Atlanta Constitution'' editor Ralph E. McGill (1898-1969)<ref> See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-2769&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>, Governor Ellis Arnall, and Assistant Attorney General Daniel Duke, struggled in the period immediately following World War II to make Atlanta and Georgia a place of greater racial tolerance. White supremacist groups fought back, initially suffering some legal defeats. But racism reasserted itself with the election of [[Eugene Talmadge]] and, upon his death, the legislative manipulation of his son, [[Herman E. Talmadge]].<ref> John Egerton, "Days of Hope and Horror: Atlanta After World War II," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1994 78(2): 281-305. 0016-8297; Egerton, ''Speak Now against the Day: The Generation before the Civil Rights Movement in the South'' (1994).</ref>  The overt racism of restaurant owner Lester Maddox (1915-2003) during the mayoral elections of 1957 and 1961 evoked the "contextual liberalism" of his opponents. Neither Hartsfield (mayor 1937-62) nor Ivan Allen Jr. (1911-2003; mayor 1963-72)<ref> See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1382&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  believed that progress should move too rapidly, and each was only as liberal as necessary to get the black vote.  Given the alternatives, blacks voted unanimously for the racially more liberal candidates, Hartsfield and Allen. Black votes, together with the votes of conservative businessmen and professionals offset Atlanta's poor white voters who wanted no racial accommodation. Thus, blacks were responsible for Atlanta's national recognition as an oasis of tolerance.<ref> Bradley R. Rice, "Lester Maddox and the 'Liberal' Mayors," ''Proceedings and Papers of the Georgia Association Of Historians'' 1983: 78-87; on Maddox see [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  

Progressives on race relations, such as ''Atlanta Constitution'' editor Ralph E. McGill (1898-1969),<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-2769&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref> Governor Ellis Arnall, and Assistant Attorney General Daniel Duke, struggled in the period immediately following World War II to make Atlanta and Georgia a place of greater racial tolerance. White supremacist groups fought back, initially suffering some legal defeats. But racism reasserted itself with the election of [[Eugene Talmadge]] and, upon his death, the legislative manipulation of his son, [[Herman E. Talmadge]].<ref>John Egerton, "Days of Hope and Horror: Atlanta After World War II," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1994 78(2): 281-305. 0016-8297; Egerton, ''Speak Now against the Day: The Generation before the Civil Rights Movement in the South'' (1994).</ref>  The overt racism of restaurant owner Lester Maddox (1915-2003) during the mayoral elections of 1957 and 1961 evoked the "contextual liberalism" of his opponents. Neither Hartsfield (mayor 1937-62) nor Ivan Allen Jr. (1911-2003; mayor 1963-72)<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1382&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  believed that progress should move too rapidly, and each was only as liberal as necessary to get the black vote.  Given the alternatives, blacks voted unanimously for the racially more liberal candidates, Hartsfield and Allen. Black votes, together with the votes of conservative businessmen and professionals offset Atlanta's poor white voters who wanted no racial accommodation. Thus, blacks were responsible for Atlanta's national recognition as an oasis of tolerance.<ref>Bradley R. Rice, "Lester Maddox and the 'Liberal' Mayors," ''Proceedings and Papers of the Georgia Association Of Historians'' 1983: 78-87; on Maddox see [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  

Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1964 with one major exception. Maddox worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was elected governor of Georgia in 1966.<ref> Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975; see also [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  

Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1964 with one major exception. Maddox worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was elected governor of Georgia in 1966.<ref>Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975; see also [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  

Atlanta's public schools desegregated very slowly in the years following the 1954 Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]]. Not until 1961 was any formal plan implemented in Atlanta. Beginning with only a few grades, community leaders hoped that calm would prevail. Governor S. Ernest Vandiver, who had promised during his campaign to preserve segregation forever, attempted to block complete compliance by introducing a "save our schools" package in the legislature. The governor planned to withhold funds from the public schools and provide money to private, segregated institutions. The governor's plans were resisted by the business community, black groups, and, subsequently, the Georgia legislature. Nonetheless, pupil placement procedures and obstacles to school transfers continued to perpetuate racial separation in Atlanta's schools. New federal court orders in the early 1970s led to white flight from the city and little positive response from the Atlanta Board of Education. Ultimately, black leaders conceded the futility of total desegregation (since there were not enough whites "to go around"). In the compromise plan of 1973 African Americans obtained administrative control of the now largely black school system.<ref>Alton  Hornsby,  Jr., "Black Public Education in Atlanta, Georgia, 1954-1973: From Segregation to Segregation." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1991 76(1-4): 21-47. 0022-2992 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717407  in JSTOR]</ref>  

Atlanta's public schools desegregated very slowly in the years following the 1954 Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]]. Not until 1961 was any formal plan implemented in Atlanta. Beginning with only a few grades, community leaders hoped that calm would prevail. Governor S. Ernest Vandiver, who had promised during his campaign to preserve segregation forever, attempted to block complete compliance by introducing a "save our schools" package in the legislature. The governor planned to withhold funds from the public schools and provide money to private, segregated institutions. The governor's plans were resisted by the business community, black groups, and, subsequently, the Georgia legislature. Nonetheless, pupil placement procedures and obstacles to school transfers continued to perpetuate racial separation in Atlanta's schools. New federal court orders in the early 1970s led to white flight from the city and little positive response from the Atlanta Board of Education. Ultimately, black leaders conceded the futility of total desegregation (since there were not enough whites "to go around"). In the compromise plan of 1973 African Americans obtained administrative control of the now largely black school system.<ref>Alton  Hornsby,  Jr., "Black Public Education in Atlanta, Georgia, 1954-1973: From Segregation to Segregation." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1991 76(1-4): 21-47. 0022-2992 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717407  in JSTOR]</ref>  

====Conservatives====

====Conservatives====

Perceiving the federal government's sponsorship of the civil rights movement as a fundamental threat to their rights as homeowners, taxpayers, businesspeople, and citizens, a growing number of white Atlantans began to subscribe to an explicit ideology of individualism, privatization, freedom of association, and distrust of the federal government and of affirmative action as a cover for special privileges for blacks. They denounced the federal courts, in particular, as undemocratic. These conservatives reacted against Democrat [[Lyndon Johnson]] and his [[Great Society]] in the 1960s, voting for Republican [[Richard Nixon]] in 1968 and 1972, but also voting for Democrats for state and local offices. In the late 1970s they responded favorably, at first, to fellow Georgian [[Jimmy Carter]]. He let them down and they moved to [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1980, then started voting Republican for the first time in state and local elections. Most of them now lived in the suburbs; their chief spokesman by the 1980s was Congressman [[Newt Gingrich]], who represented the west suburbs of Atlanta.<ref> See Kevin M. Kruse, ''White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism'' (2005), who exaggerates the role of race in forming a conservative ideology that flourished just as strongly where blacks were few.</ref>

Perceiving the federal government's sponsorship of the civil rights movement as a fundamental threat to their rights as homeowners, taxpayers, businesspeople, and citizens, a growing number of white Atlantans began to subscribe to an explicit ideology of individualism, privatization, freedom of association, and distrust of the federal government and of affirmative action as a cover for special privileges for blacks. They denounced the federal courts, in particular, as undemocratic. These conservatives reacted against Democrat [[Lyndon Johnson]] and his [[Great Society]] in the 1960s, voting for Republican [[Richard Nixon]] in 1968 and 1972, but also voting for Democrats for state and local offices. In the late 1970s they responded favorably, at first, to fellow Georgian [[Jimmy Carter]]. He let them down and they moved to [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1980, then started voting Republican for the first time in state and local elections. Most of them now lived in the suburbs; their chief spokesman by the 1980s was Congressman [[Newt Gingrich]], who represented the west suburbs of Atlanta.<ref>See Kevin M. Kruse, ''White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism'' (2005), who exaggerates the role of race in forming a conservative ideology that flourished just as strongly where blacks were few.</ref>

====Emory====

====Emory====

[[Emory University]] made the transition from a regional Methodist college to a major national research university after 1980 thanks to a combination of external trends and circumstances and internal decisions and strategies. The growth of Atlanta's population and wealth helped end a legacy of poverty and lack of research scientists that had hindered the development of research and graduate programs in Southern universities. The Atlanta-based Coca-Cola Corporation and its owners provided endowments throughout the 20th century that provided significant financial support to the university, although a $105 million bequest from Coca Cola heir Robert W. Woodruff in 1979 got the most attention. In addition to the advantage of a key benefactor, Emory had a succession of university presidents committed to making it one of the nation's leading research facilities. Finally, a policy of moderate expansion and careful fiscal management sustained it through an uneven course from the 1950s through the 1990s - although it did not achieve national research status until the late 1980s and 1990s.<ref> Nancy Diamond, "Catching Up: The Advance of Emory University since World War II." ''History of Higher Education Annual'' (1999) 19: 149-183. 0737-2698 </ref>  

[[Emory University]] made the transition from a regional Methodist college to a major national research university after 1980 thanks to a combination of external trends and circumstances and internal decisions and strategies. The growth of Atlanta's population and wealth helped end a legacy of poverty and lack of research scientists that had hindered the development of research and graduate programs in Southern universities. The Atlanta-based Coca-Cola Corporation and its owners provided endowments throughout the 20th century that provided significant financial support to the university, although a $105 million bequest from Coca Cola heir Robert W. Woodruff in 1979 got the most attention. In addition to the advantage of a key benefactor, Emory had a succession of university presidents committed to making it one of the nation's leading research facilities. Finally, a policy of moderate expansion and careful fiscal management sustained it through an uneven course from the 1950s through the 1990s - although it did not achieve national research status until the late 1980s and 1990s.<ref>Nancy Diamond, "Catching Up: The Advance of Emory University since World War II." ''History of Higher Education Annual'' (1999) 19: 149-183. 0737-2698</ref>  

====Upscaling housing====

====Upscaling housing====

Gentrification transformed inner city neighborhoods after 1980 as upscale white and Asian families became attracted to the locational advantages of in-town living. Neighborhoods such as Inman Park, Virginia Highlands, East Lake, and Oakhurst witnessed dramatic increases in property values in a short period of time.<ref> Dona J. Stewart, "Hot 'Lanta's Urban Expansion and Cultural Landscape Change." ''Geographical Review'' 1999 89(1): 132-140. 0016-7428 </ref>  

Gentrification transformed inner city neighborhoods after 1980 as upscale white and Asian families became attracted to the locational advantages of in-town living. Neighborhoods such as Inman Park, Virginia Highlands, East Lake, and Oakhurst witnessed dramatic increases in property values in a short period of time.<ref>Dona J. Stewart, "Hot 'Lanta's Urban Expansion and Cultural Landscape Change." ''Geographical Review'' 1999 89(1): 132-140. 0016-7428</ref>  

Techwood Homes was a federally funded public housing project in Atlanta, originally conceived as a slum clearance project by private developers in 1932. It became a New Deal PWA (Public Works Administration) project that replaced impoverished slum dwellers with white working-class residents. In the 1980s the rehabilitation of the buildings became a political issue, accelerating in controversy as Atlanta was named the site for the 1996 Olympics. The Atlanta Housing Authority and private developers successfully circumvented Housing and Urban Development rules to displace Techwood residents. Despite the integrity of the building structures and estimates that they would last for another sixty years, the buildings were demolished in 1995. Techwood was replaced by upscale housing, and two thirds of the former residents were given replacement public housing. <ref> Keating, Larry and Carol A. Flores, "Sixty and out: Techwood Homes Transformed by Enemies and Friends" ''Journal of Urban History'' 2000 26(3): 275-311. 0096-1442;  see also [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-3301&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>

Techwood Homes was a federally funded public housing project in Atlanta, originally conceived as a slum clearance project by private developers in 1932. It became a New Deal PWA (Public Works Administration) project that replaced impoverished slum dwellers with white working-class residents. In the 1980s the rehabilitation of the buildings became a political issue, accelerating in controversy as Atlanta was named the site for the 1996 Olympics. The Atlanta Housing Authority and private developers successfully circumvented Housing and Urban Development rules to displace Techwood residents. Despite the integrity of the building structures and estimates that they would last for another sixty years, the buildings were demolished in 1995. Techwood was replaced by upscale housing, and two thirds of the former residents were given replacement public housing.<ref>Keating, Larry and Carol A. Flores, "Sixty and out: Techwood Homes Transformed by Enemies and Friends" ''Journal of Urban History'' 2000 26(3): 275-311. 0096-1442;  see also [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-3301&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>

====Air transport====

====Air transport====

[[File:At=airport.jpg|thumb|300px|In 1941 Delta's DC-2 carried 14 passengers]] The relationship between cities and their airports has increased in significance since the widespread introduction of commercial jet passenger aviation in the 1960s. Atlanta's [[Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport]] was a model for other cities such as Dallas and Denver because of the active roles of its major airline, Delta, and the close ties between airline, city, and airport authorities. Delta and therefore Atlanta came to dominate air travel in the entire Southeast. Delta's pioneering hub-and-spoke system formed a blueprint for other airlines in the United States following deregulation in 1978, while the contribution Atlanta's airport made to the local economy aroused the interest of other growth oriented cities. <ref> Drew Whitelegg, "Keeping Their Eyes on the Skies: Jet Aviation, Delta Air Lines and the Growth of Atlanta." ''Journal of Transport History'' 2000 21(1): 73-91. 0022-5266 </ref>

[[File:At=airport.jpg|thumb|300px|In 1941 Delta's DC-2 carried 14 passengers]] The relationship between cities and their airports has increased in significance since the widespread introduction of commercial jet passenger aviation in the 1960s. Atlanta's [[Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport]] was a model for other cities such as Dallas and Denver because of the active roles of its major airline, Delta, and the close ties between airline, city, and airport authorities. Delta and therefore Atlanta came to dominate air travel in the entire Southeast. Delta's pioneering hub-and-spoke system formed a blueprint for other airlines in the United States following deregulation in 1978, while the contribution Atlanta's airport made to the local economy aroused the interest of other growth oriented cities.<ref>Drew Whitelegg, "Keeping Their Eyes on the Skies: Jet Aviation, Delta Air Lines and the Growth of Atlanta." ''Journal of Transport History'' 2000 21(1): 73-91. 0022-5266</ref>

====1980s====

====1980s====

Charismatic black leader Rev. [[Andrew Young]] (1932- ) was mayor of Atlanta from 1982 to 1990.<ref> See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1395&sug=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref> Young's pro-business posture, fiscal policies, and civil rights reputation attracted billions in new investments from top corporations, as well as the 1996 Olympics. However the city's escalating violent crime, police brutality, and drug problems led to criticism of the city administration by both the black and white communities. Young admitted the failure of his administration to address Atlanta's need for improved and expanded public housing and was frustrated by problems in improving the city's mass transit system. Nonetheless, Young was able to promote economic investment in the city and, despite the city's social problems, to enhance Atlanta's domestic and international image.<ref> Alton Hornsby, Jr. "Andrew Jackson Young: Mayor of Atlanta, 1982-1990." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1992 77(3): 159-182. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717559  in JSTOR]</ref>

Charismatic black leader Rev. [[Andrew Young]] (1932- ) was mayor of Atlanta from 1982 to 1990.<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1395&sug=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref> Young's pro-business posture, fiscal policies, and civil rights reputation attracted billions in new investments from top corporations, as well as the 1996 Olympics. However the city's escalating violent crime, police brutality, and drug problems led to criticism of the city administration by both the black and white communities. Young admitted the failure of his administration to address Atlanta's need for improved and expanded public housing and was frustrated by problems in improving the city's mass transit system. Nonetheless, Young was able to promote economic investment in the city and, despite the city's social problems, to enhance Atlanta's domestic and international image.<ref>Alton Hornsby, Jr. "Andrew Jackson Young: Mayor of Atlanta, 1982-1990." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1992 77(3): 159-182. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717559  in JSTOR]</ref>

==Sports in Atlanta==

==Sports in Atlanta==

[[File:At-olympics.jpg|thumb|250px]] Atlanta hosted the [[Olympics#1996_Atlanta|1996 Summer Olympic Games]].<ref> Gregory D. Andranovich et al. ''Olympic Dreams: The Impact of Mega-Events on Local Politics'' (2001), Chap. 5 "Atlanta and the 1996 Summer Games"; [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=105848420 online]</ref> The Olympics stimulated the local economy in the years leading up to the games; they also were quite successful in promoting tourism and attracting business to the region. The city acquired a new stadium and other sports facilities. The games also were an incentive to make a number of improvements in urban design and infrastructure. However, inner-city neighborhoods were never redeveloped as originally anticipated. Reliance on private funding and a fragmented organizational structure were key factors that limited Atlanta's ability to use the Olympics as a vehicle for redevelopment.<ref> Steven P. French, and Mike E. Disher, "Atlanta and the Olympics: A One-Year Retrospective." ''Journal of the American Planning Association 1997 63(3): 379-392. 0194-4363 </ref>  

[[File:At-olympics.jpg|thumb|250px]] Atlanta hosted the [[Olympics#1996 Atlanta|1996 Summer Olympic Games]].<ref>Gregory D. Andranovich et al. ''Olympic Dreams: The Impact of Mega-Events on Local Politics'' (2001), Chap. 5 "Atlanta and the 1996 Summer Games"; [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=105848420 online]</ref> The Olympics stimulated the local economy in the years leading up to the games; they also were quite successful in promoting tourism and attracting business to the region. The city acquired a new stadium and other sports facilities. The games also were an incentive to make a number of improvements in urban design and infrastructure. However, inner-city neighborhoods were never redeveloped as originally anticipated. Reliance on private funding and a fragmented organizational structure were key factors that limited Atlanta's ability to use the Olympics as a vehicle for redevelopment.<ref>Steven P. French, and Mike E. Disher, "Atlanta and the Olympics: A One-Year Retrospective." ''Journal of the American Planning Association 1997 63(3): 379-392. 0194-4363</ref>  

*[[Atlanta Falcons]] ([[NFL]] [[Football]])

*[[Atlanta Falcons]] ([[NFL]] [[Football]])

*[[Atlanta Thrashers]] ([[NHL]] [[Hockey]])

*[[Atlanta Thrashers]] ([[NHL]] [[Hockey]])

==See Also==

==See also==

*[[Larry McDonald]] Democratic Congressman from Georgia, only sitting congressman reportedly killed by the Russians during the [[Cold War]]

*[[Larry McDonald]] Democratic Congressman from Georgia, only sitting congressman reportedly killed by the Russians during the [[Cold War]]

==External Links==

==External links==

*[http://bertschlossberg.blogspot.com/2012/11/lawrence-patton-mcdonald-b_15.html A Forgotten Man: Congressman Larry McDonald]

*[http://bertschlossberg.blogspot.com/2012/11/lawrence-patton-mcdonald-b_15.html A Forgotten Man: Congressman Larry McDonald]

* Hunter, Floyd. ''Community Power Structure'' (1953).  

* Hunter, Floyd. ''Community Power Structure'' (1953).  

** Hunter, Floyd. ''Community Power Succession: Atlanta's Policy-Makers Revisited.'' (1980). 198 pp. political scientist examines the power elite

** Hunter, Floyd. ''Community Power Succession: Atlanta's Policy-Makers Revisited.'' (1980). 198 pp. political scientist examines the power elite

* Jackson, Roswell F., and Rosalyn M. Patterson. "A Brief History of Selected Black Churches in Atlanta, Georgia," ''Journal of Negro History,'' Vol. 74, No. 1/4 (Winter - Autumn, 1989), pp. 31-52 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3031497 in JSTOR] details their establishment, educational and community programs, and notable religious leaders.

* Jackson, Roswell F., and Rosalyn M. Patterson. "A Brief History of Selected Black Churches in Atlanta, Georgia," ''Journal of Negro History,'' Vol. 74, No. 1/4 (Winter - Autumn, 1989), pp.&nbsp;31–52 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3031497 in JSTOR] details their establishment, educational and community programs, and notable religious leaders.

[[File:Atl-rr-1940.jpg|thumb|325px|Rail yards in downtown Atlanta, 1940]]

[[File:Atl-rr-1940.jpg|thumb|325px|Rail yards in downtown Atlanta, 1940]]

* Keating, Larry. ''Atlanta: Race, Class, and Urban Expansion.'' (2000). 232 pp.

* Keating, Larry. ''Atlanta: Race, Class, and Urban Expansion.'' (2000). 232 pp.

* Newman, Harvey K. ''Southern Hospitality: Tourism and the Growth of Atlanta.'' (1999). 374 pp.

* Newman, Harvey K. ''Southern Hospitality: Tourism and the Growth of Atlanta.'' (1999). 374 pp.

* Peterson, Paul E. ''The Politics of School Reform, 1870-1940'' (1985), compares Atlanta, Chicago, and San Francisco

* Peterson, Paul E. ''The Politics of School Reform, 1870-1940'' (1985), compares Atlanta, Chicago, and San Francisco

* Plank, David N., and Marcia Turner. "Changing Patterns in Black School Politics: Atlanta, 1872-1973," ''American Journal of Education,'' Vol. 95, No. 4 (Aug., 1987), pp. 584-608 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1209255 in JSTOR]

* Plank, David N., and Marcia Turner. "Changing Patterns in Black School Politics: Atlanta, 1872-1973," ''American Journal of Education,'' Vol. 95, No. 4 (Aug., 1987), pp.&nbsp;584–608 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1209255 in JSTOR]

* Preston, Howard L. ''Automobile Age Atlanta: The Making of a Southern Metropolis, 1900-1935.'' (1979). 203 pp.

* Preston, Howard L. ''Automobile Age Atlanta: The Making of a Southern Metropolis, 1900-1935.'' (1979). 203 pp.

* Rabinowitz, Howard N. ''Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890''. (1980).

* Rabinowitz, Howard N. ''Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890''. (1980).

* Russell, James Michael. ''Atlanta, 1847-1890: City Building in the Old South and the New.'' (1988). 314 pp.

* Russell, James Michael. ''Atlanta, 1847-1890: City Building in the Old South and the New.'' (1988). 314 pp.

* Rutheiser, Charles. ''Imagineering Atlanta: The Politics of Place in the City of Dreams.'' (1996). 324 pp.

* Rutheiser, Charles. ''Imagineering Atlanta: The Politics of Place in the City of Dreams.'' (1996). 324 pp.

* Shelley, Thomas J. ''Paul J. Hallinan: First Archbishop of Atlanta.'' (1989). 371 pp. Catholics

* Shelley, Thomas J. ''Paul J. Hallinan: First Archbishop of Atlanta.'' (1989). 371 pp.&nbsp;Catholics

* Sjoquist, David L., ed. ''The Atlanta Paradox.'' (2000). 300 pp., current politics

* Sjoquist, David L., ed. ''The Atlanta Paradox.'' (2000). 300 pp., current politics

* Smith, Douglas L. ''The New Deal in the Urban South.'' (1988). 287 pp. covers Atlanta, Memphis, New Orleans and Birmingham

* Smith, Douglas L. ''The New Deal in the Urban South.'' (1988). 287 pp. covers Atlanta, Memphis, New Orleans and Birmingham