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| | After the victory of the American Revolution, 50,000 or so [[Loyalists]] (American colonists loyal to the British Crown), migrated north to Canada. They brought along several thousand black slaves, for slavery was legal until 1833. Most Loyalists went to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, but about 6,000 arrived in Quebec, especially in the "Eastern townships" south of Montreal.<ref> See article in [http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0002491 ''Canadian Encyclopedia'' (2008)]</ref> Their demands for a separate colony and English law led to the division of 1791, with ''Upper Canada" (later Ontario) separated from Quebec, which became '''Lower Canada'''. | | After the victory of the American Revolution, 50,000 or so [[Loyalists]] (American colonists loyal to the British Crown), migrated north to Canada. They brought along several thousand black slaves, for slavery was legal until 1833. Most Loyalists went to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, but about 6,000 arrived in Quebec, especially in the "Eastern townships" south of Montreal.<ref> See article in [http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0002491 ''Canadian Encyclopedia'' (2008)]</ref> Their demands for a separate colony and English law led to the division of 1791, with ''Upper Canada" (later Ontario) separated from Quebec, which became '''Lower Canada'''. |
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| − | The Anglican Church launched a well-funded initiative to build churches and support missionaries in the Eastern townships, thereby building loyalty to the Empire. The are enjoys abundant rainfall, numerous water mill sites, accessible conifer forests, plentiful supplies of fire wood, good grazing land, and rich mineral deposits. However, the growing season for crops is short, and much of the soil is also generally thin and rocky. Most of the best land fell into the hands of absentee proprietors by 1800, and they fought incessantly with squatters. Outside markets were relatively inaccessible before the arrival of the railway around 1850. The English-speaking agricultural and entrepreneurial elite began to transfer its capital and skills westward, replaced by French speaking farmers and Irish Catholics fleeing the Potato Famine in the 1840s. The "bonne entente theory" of sociologist Leon Gerin argues that the new Francophone arrivals were influenced by their enterprising and independent-minded Yankee neighbours. By 1870 they were a majority, and by the 21st century only 10% are Anglophone (and most of them are Irish). In the 1840s, school reforms required compromise with the strong localist traditions of the Eastern Townships region. The inhabitants displayed strong lingering American traditions. Local fund-raising for schools was a hotly contested issue throughout the 1840s, with many prominent citizens actively opposing levying taxes for that purpose. School taxes diminished the role of affluent individuals who supported local schools and made possible the subsidization of poorer, neighbouring schools. Educational control remained local despite legislation enacted in 1846, which repealed prior acts and required school commissioners to assess property.<ref> J. I. Little, ''State and Society in Transition: The Politics of Institutional Reform in the Eastern Townships 1832-1852.'' (1997)</ref> In the late 1840s Yankees felt that union with the United States would end their economic isolation and stagnation as well as remove them from the growing threat of French-Canadian political domination. Leading proponents of this genuinely bipartisan movement were careful not to appear disloyal to Britain, however, and they actively discouraged popular protest at the local level. Fearful of American-style democracy, the local elite also expressed revulsion toward American slavery and militaristic expansionism. Consequently, the movement died out in the Eastern Townships as it did in Montreal after Britain expressed its official disapproval and trade with the United States began to increase thanks to the opening of the [[Grand Trunk Railway]].<ref>J. I. Little, "The Short Life of a Local Protest Movement: the Annexation Crisis of 1849-50 in the Eastern Townships." ''Journal of the Canadian Historical Association'' 1992 3: 45-67. Issn: 0847-4478 [http://www.erudit.org/revue/jcha/1992/v3/n1/031044ar.pdf online edition] </ref> | + | The Anglican Church launched a well-funded initiative to build churches and support missionaries in the Eastern townships, thereby building loyalty to the Empire. The are enjoys abundant rainfall, numerous water mill sites, accessible conifer forests, plentiful supplies of fire wood, good grazing land, and rich mineral deposits. However, the growing season for crops is short, and much of the soil is also generally thin and rocky. Most of the best land fell into the hands of absentee proprietors by 1800, and they fought incessantly with squatters. Outside markets were relatively inaccessible before the arrival of the railway around 1850. The English-speaking agricultural and entrepreneurial elite began to transfer its capital and skills westward, replaced by French speaking farmers and Irish Catholics fleeing the Potato Famine in the 1840s. The "bonne entente theory" of sociologist Leon Gerin argues that the new Francophone arrivals were influenced by their enterprising and independent-minded Yankee neighbours. By 1870 Anglophones were a majority in Quebec alike the rest of Canada (only one million Francophones in the dominion when it was formed in 1867), and by the 21st century only 10% of Quebecers are Anglophone (and most of them are Irish). In the 1840s, school reforms required compromise with the strong localist traditions of the Eastern Townships region. The inhabitants displayed strong lingering American traditions. Local fund-raising for schools was a hotly contested issue throughout the 1840s, with many prominent citizens actively opposing levying taxes for that purpose. School taxes diminished the role of affluent individuals who supported local schools and made possible the subsidization of poorer, neighbouring schools. Educational control remained local despite legislation enacted in 1846, which repealed prior acts and required school commissioners to assess property.<ref> J. I. Little, ''State and Society in Transition: The Politics of Institutional Reform in the Eastern Townships 1832-1852.'' (1997)</ref> In the late 1840s Yankees felt that union with the United States would end their economic isolation and stagnation as well as remove them from the growing threat of French-Canadian political domination. Leading proponents of this genuinely bipartisan movement were careful not to appear disloyal to Britain, however, and they actively discouraged popular protest at the local level. Fearful of American-style democracy, the local elite also expressed revulsion toward American slavery and militaristic expansionism. Consequently, the movement died out in the Eastern Townships as it did in Montreal after Britain expressed its official disapproval and trade with the United States began to increase thanks to the opening of the [[Grand Trunk Railway]].<ref>J. I. Little, "The Short Life of a Local Protest Movement: the Annexation Crisis of 1849-50 in the Eastern Townships." ''Journal of the Canadian Historical Association'' 1992 3: 45-67. Issn: 0847-4478 [http://www.erudit.org/revue/jcha/1992/v3/n1/031044ar.pdf online edition] </ref> |
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| − | Besides the Eastern townships, the western portions of Quebec (which later became Ontario) were attractive to many thousands of nonpolitical [[Yankees]] from New England. Most French habitants were content with their location along the St. Lawrence, and few moved west. | + | Besides the Eastern townships, the western portions of Quebec (which later became Ontario) were attractive to many thousands of nonpolitical [[Yankees]] from New England. Most French habitants were content with their location along the St. Lawrence, and few moved west throughout the country. French-Canadian emigration to the USA occurred in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with over 500,000 French Canadians moved south into New England, Midwest and Northern states. They were employed as miners, timbermen, factory workers, truck drivers and farmers whom sought a better life in the United States. |
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| | ====Catholic Church==== | | ====Catholic Church==== |
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| | In social terms, the [[Quiet Revolution]] undercut the authority of the Catholic Church in taking away the schools and indeed the unquestioned authority of parish priests. The Union Nationale, the political party of Duplessis, together with the Catholic clergy, had actively propagated an ideology of conservatism: the Quebecois were destined to be peasants, to guarantee the survival of the Catholic religion and of the French language in North America. Gauvreau (2005) however reveals also a positive role that minority elements of the Church played in the origins of Quebec's Quiet Revolution. He argues that Catholic youth movements played a major positive role in the origin of the most profound of Quebec's multiple "quiet revolutions," beginning with the Catholic youth movements in the 1930s. They introduced "personalism", a philosophical movement from France that was a kind of neo-Thomism. In creating an active youth movement reformers inside the Church in effect repudiated much of the historic traditionalism of a peasant society, such as patriarchal families and sexuality focused solely on producing large families rather than companionate marriages.<ref> Michael Gauvreau, "From Rechristianization to Contestation: Catholic Values and Quebec Society, 1931-1970," ''Church History,'' Vol. 69, No. 4. (Dec., 2000), pp. 803-833 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0009-6407%28200012%2969%3A4%3C803%3AFRTCCV%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q in JSTOR]; </ref> | | In social terms, the [[Quiet Revolution]] undercut the authority of the Catholic Church in taking away the schools and indeed the unquestioned authority of parish priests. The Union Nationale, the political party of Duplessis, together with the Catholic clergy, had actively propagated an ideology of conservatism: the Quebecois were destined to be peasants, to guarantee the survival of the Catholic religion and of the French language in North America. Gauvreau (2005) however reveals also a positive role that minority elements of the Church played in the origins of Quebec's Quiet Revolution. He argues that Catholic youth movements played a major positive role in the origin of the most profound of Quebec's multiple "quiet revolutions," beginning with the Catholic youth movements in the 1930s. They introduced "personalism", a philosophical movement from France that was a kind of neo-Thomism. In creating an active youth movement reformers inside the Church in effect repudiated much of the historic traditionalism of a peasant society, such as patriarchal families and sexuality focused solely on producing large families rather than companionate marriages.<ref> Michael Gauvreau, "From Rechristianization to Contestation: Catholic Values and Quebec Society, 1931-1970," ''Church History,'' Vol. 69, No. 4. (Dec., 2000), pp. 803-833 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0009-6407%28200012%2969%3A4%3C803%3AFRTCCV%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q in JSTOR]; </ref> |
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| − | The exodus from Catholicism began by 1960, with church attendance in Montreal plunging in half in the decade of the 1960s, with even faster declines in rural parishes. Young couple rejected the Church's renewed opposition to birth control. The Quebec independence movement focused on language and culture, and no longer saw Quebec as the stronghold of Catholicism. | + | The exodus from Catholicism began by 1960, with church attendance in Montreal plunging in half in the decade of the 1960s, with even faster declines in rural parishes. Young couples rejected the Church's renewed opposition to birth control. The Quebec independence movement focused on language and culture, and no longer saw Quebec as the stronghold of Catholicism. Once having the developed world's highest birth rate in the 20th century, Francophones of Quebec now have a birth rate akin to Anglophones and other "slow/low or no growth" Western countries. |
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| | The Parent Report on education in the province of Quebec (1963-66) was a key part of the Quiet Revolution that modernized and democratized education in Quebec. The report's attempt at democratizing manifested itself through its recommendations to open access to all levels of education; to create the Ministry of Education as a central authority responsible for all aspects of education; to replace local, religion-based educational authorities with local and regional authorities whose members would be elected directly by the parents rather than the general public; and to reorganize education finance in order to make it more equal. The article assesses the degree to which these recommendations were implemented. | | The Parent Report on education in the province of Quebec (1963-66) was a key part of the Quiet Revolution that modernized and democratized education in Quebec. The report's attempt at democratizing manifested itself through its recommendations to open access to all levels of education; to create the Ministry of Education as a central authority responsible for all aspects of education; to replace local, religion-based educational authorities with local and regional authorities whose members would be elected directly by the parents rather than the general public; and to reorganize education finance in order to make it more equal. The article assesses the degree to which these recommendations were implemented. |
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| | ====Politics==== | | ====Politics==== |
| − | On May 20th, 1980 a separatist government held a referendum on declaring independence from Canada. This was defeated by a 60% to 40% vote. A second referendum was held on October 31st, 1995 and saw the separatist side lose again, but by less than two percentage points. | + | On May 20th, 1980 a separatist government held a referendum on declaring independence from Canada. This was defeated by a 60% to 40% vote. A second referendum was held on October 31st, 1995 and saw the separatist side lose again, but by less than two percentage points (49% vs. 51%, a very close margin) identicated how far the Quebec separatist cause has nearly ended the 128-year old dominion of Canada. |
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| | In the 1993 national elections the Progressive Conservative Party collapsed and the official opposition became the avowedly separatist '''Bloc Québécois''', a new party formed in 1991 for the national parliament.<ref> See [http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0000829 article at ''Canadian Encyclopedia'' (2000)]</ref> Inside Quebec the PQ regained power in 1994 under the resolutely nationalist leader Jacques Parizeau, and called for a referendum in 1995 it was convinced would lead to immediate independence. Preparations were made for diplomatic recognition and an army, but the "no" votes prevailed by 1%, largely because of the intense opposition of non-Francophones.<ref> See [http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0010730 article at ''Canadian Encyclopedia'' (2000)], and Gregory S. Mahler, "Canadian Federalism and the 1995 Referendum: a Perspective from Outside of Quebec." ''American Review of Canadian Studies'' 1995 25(4): 449-476. Issn: 0272-2011 </ref> | | In the 1993 national elections the Progressive Conservative Party collapsed and the official opposition became the avowedly separatist '''Bloc Québécois''', a new party formed in 1991 for the national parliament.<ref> See [http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0000829 article at ''Canadian Encyclopedia'' (2000)]</ref> Inside Quebec the PQ regained power in 1994 under the resolutely nationalist leader Jacques Parizeau, and called for a referendum in 1995 it was convinced would lead to immediate independence. Preparations were made for diplomatic recognition and an army, but the "no" votes prevailed by 1%, largely because of the intense opposition of non-Francophones.<ref> See [http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0010730 article at ''Canadian Encyclopedia'' (2000)], and Gregory S. Mahler, "Canadian Federalism and the 1995 Referendum: a Perspective from Outside of Quebec." ''American Review of Canadian Studies'' 1995 25(4): 449-476. Issn: 0272-2011 </ref> |
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| | ===Economy=== | | ===Economy=== |
| | Before the 1960s the business and banking of Montreal and smaller cites was Anglophones; but by 2000 the business community was largely Francophone, particularly in management and the elite. Some large corporations relocated their headquarters to Toronto and retained their Anglophone character. Globalization strengthened the use of French. Foreign investment in new business increased, but the majority of foreign investment was in existing businesses. The provincial government implemented policies that supported successful exporting as well as other measures to stimulate an entrepreneurial business class. The Quebec government established offices across the U.S. to promote trade, direct investment and tourism. The Parti Québécois has always experienced a lack of American support in its struggle for sovereignty, especially during the [[Bill Clinton]] administration in the 1990s. Agriculture, mining, and forestry declined, however.<ref> Joseph Lemay, "The Impact of the Quiet Revolution: the Business Environment of Smaller Cities and Regions of Quebec 1960-2000." ''Québec Studies'' 2002-03 (34): 19-30. Issn: 0737-3759; William F. Averyt, "Quebec's Economic Development Policies, 1960-1987: Between Étatisme and Privatisation." ''American Review of Canadian Studies'' 1989 19(2): 159-175. Issn: 0272-2011 </ref> | | Before the 1960s the business and banking of Montreal and smaller cites was Anglophones; but by 2000 the business community was largely Francophone, particularly in management and the elite. Some large corporations relocated their headquarters to Toronto and retained their Anglophone character. Globalization strengthened the use of French. Foreign investment in new business increased, but the majority of foreign investment was in existing businesses. The provincial government implemented policies that supported successful exporting as well as other measures to stimulate an entrepreneurial business class. The Quebec government established offices across the U.S. to promote trade, direct investment and tourism. The Parti Québécois has always experienced a lack of American support in its struggle for sovereignty, especially during the [[Bill Clinton]] administration in the 1990s. Agriculture, mining, and forestry declined, however.<ref> Joseph Lemay, "The Impact of the Quiet Revolution: the Business Environment of Smaller Cities and Regions of Quebec 1960-2000." ''Québec Studies'' 2002-03 (34): 19-30. Issn: 0737-3759; William F. Averyt, "Quebec's Economic Development Policies, 1960-1987: Between Étatisme and Privatisation." ''American Review of Canadian Studies'' 1989 19(2): 159-175. Issn: 0272-2011 </ref> |
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| | + | == Current situation == |
| | + | The Quebec secession issue and how the Canadian parliament made deals to keep Quebec intact with bribery and corruption, was part of the country's 2006 parliamentary crisis rocked Canada's core on being the most stable democracy in the world, leading the resignation of the entire parliament and several hundreds of politicial officals. The Parti Quebecois continued to speak of threats of secession with less public support in the last 5 years and declines well in the 2010's. |
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| | + | Most Quebecers and Francophones in Canada no longer support any idea of an independent Quebec from Canada, with the majority suggest special autonomous status similar to the establishment of the Inuit majority territory of [[Nunavut]] in 1999. The Canadian government promotes an idea of multiculturalism and preserved diversity known as the "cultural mosaic" of anyone can preserve their own cultural, ethnic and racial distinction. When applied, that means Francophones will remain a "separate but equal" as well a not-so-assimilated and perhaps back to being marginalized minority within an Anglo/British descent-dominant society. |
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| | + | Quebec's urban core, Montreal is no longer a mostly Francophone, nor bilingual city, it is now home to a high percentage of immigrants from around the world and ethnic groups of European descent, whom oppose Quebec separatist causes and policies. It is believed separatists such as leader Rene Levisque hold racist, nativist or xenophobe tendencies, such as incidents and acts of Anti-semitism towards the province's sizable Jewish population, and the obsession with ethnocultural purity of French-Canadian "blood" (or references from Quebecois militants of their people belong to a "Nordique"/"Gaullique"/"Latine" race) falls in the line of racial nationalism, has lost credibility and respect among politically active Francophones and Quebecers alike. |
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| | ==Bibliography== | | ==Bibliography== |