Emil Ghuri

Emil Ghuri [Ghory / Ghoury / Emile Ghouri اميل لغوري] Arab "Palestinian" activist/politician.

Born in Jerusalem in 1907, He joined Cincinnati University in Ohio; M.A. graduate in 1933. He was the founder and chief editor of the English Weekly "Arab Federation" in Jerusalem.^[1]

Ghuri was an ally of the Islamist Haj Amin al-Husseini - Grand Mufti of Jerusalem.

Emil Ghuri in 1934: "Hitler whom the Arabs admire very much."

On July 7, 1934, Ghory's paper, The Arab Federation wrote:^[2] "The people of Palestine have been watching the recent troubles in Germany with great interest and keen. They were astonished by the courageous quick actions of Hitler whom the Arabs admire very much."

Months later, the British government in Mandatory Palestine clamped ban on his Anti-jewish paper. On November 12, 1934

^[3]

The Executive Council of the government has barred for one month one of the most virulent anti-Jewish publications here. The Arab Federation, Edited by Emile Ghory, it is a bi-weekly printed in English and Arabic. Ghory also edited the Esh Shabab (Youth) weekly, which was closed down recently for three months for publishing inciting articles.

The 'Arab Federation' was fibally closed by British administration after nine months of its publishing.^[1]

He coedited the Al Liwaa newspaper between 1935 and 1937.^[4]

Ghuri was the secretary-general of the Palestine Arab Party.^[5]

Ghuri headed the creation of the "Youth Groups", the party's youth movement, and was a member of a special committee that ran the organization. The youth movement, (founded in 1935 by the Husseinis^[6]) was similar to the "Hitler Youth" in Nazi Germany, and the committee even officially called the groups "Nazi Scouts" for a short period of time, but after a certain period the name was changed to the Islamic nickname "Al-Futuwwa".^[7]

Emil Ghuri was described as "terrorist and conspirator in the Iraq Revolt,"^[8] - the 1941 Arab-Nazi coup.

On May 12, 1946, Ghoury "took the opportunity to justify the pro-Nazi activities of the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem - the "Arab spiritual leader," Ghuri compared Hitler's mufti to Jesus and attempted to revive ancient hatredand concluded by using, injecting and linking it with some ancient hate.^[9]^[10]^[11]^[12]^[13]

In May 1947, Ghuri was nominated by the AHC as a member of its delegation to represent it before the United Nations General Assembly in its special session for Palestine in 1947 and 1948. Other individuals nominated for this delegation included Jamal al-Husayni, Henry Cattan, Wasef Kamal, Issa Nakhleh (Hitler fan an who worked later on with Neo Nazis for most of his career) and Rasem Khalidi. He was the representative of the AHC until 1968.^[5]

On September 6, 1948, Emile Ghory, as Secretary of the Arab Higher Committee, and one of its representatives in presenting the Arab case to the United Nations, told the Beirut Telegraph:

"At the time of the first truce the number of Arab refugees was 200,000. By the time the second truce began this number had risen to 300,000. It is impossible to foretell how many more refugees there will be if hostilities are renewed and there is a third truce. I do not want to impugn any one but only to help the refugees. The fact that there are these refugees is the direct comequence of Arab states in opposing partition and the Jewish State. The Arab states agreed upon this policy unanimously and they must share in the solution of the problem."^[14]

He died in Amman, Jordan, in 1984.^[5]

References

↑ ^1.0 ^1.1 Ghory, Emile. Passia.
↑ The Palestine Post⁩, 16 July 1934.

TROUBLES IN GERMANY
The following paragraph is taken from the Arab Federation, a Jerusalem weekly in English, dated July 7. The people of Palestine have been watching the recent troubles in Germany with great interest and keen.
They were astonished by the courageous quick actions of Hitler whom the Arabs admire very much.
↑ Palestine Clamps Ban on Anti-jewish Paper, JTA, November 13, 1934. [1].
The Executive Council of the government has barred for one month one of the most virulent anti-Jewish publications here. The Arab Federation, Edited by Emile Ghory, it is a bi-weekly printed in English and Arabic. Ghory also edited the Esh Shabab (Youth) weekly, which was closed down recently for three months for publishing inciting articles.
↑ Al Liwaa. National Library of Israel.
↑ ^5.0 ^5.1 ^5.2 Shaul Bartal (2015). Jihad in Palestine: Political Islam and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. London; New York: Routledge. p. 5. ISBN 978-1-317-51961-4.
↑ Karsh, E. (2010). Palestine Betrayed. United States: Yale University Press, Ch.1, p.30. [2]

In reality, it was the Mufti who was primarily responsible for the radicalization of Palestinian Arab public opinion. In June 1930, his representatives at the deliberations of the international commission on the future of the Wailing Wall, convened in the wake of the 1929 massacres, refused to recognize any Jewish rights in Palestine (and not only at the Wall), and this recalcitrance was ampliﬁed by a pan-Islamic congress held in Jerusalem in December 1931. This zero-sum approach that assigned to the Jews no national or collective rights whatever gained considerable momentum in the early 1930s as the rival Arab factions and clans vied for political dominance through the creation of new parties. In August 1932, Abdel Hadi established the Palestinian branch of the pan-Arab Independence Party (Istiqlal), followed shortly afterward by the creation of the Youth Congress, headed by Yaqub Ghussein. Two years later, the Party for National Defense was created as the political arm of the Nashashibis, the second most powerful Palestinian Arab clan and the Husseinis’ bitterest enemies, and the latter responded in kind by forming, in March 1935, the Arab Palestinian Party headed by Jamal Husseini. These were followed in the same year by the Reform Party, established by Jerusalem’s mayor, Hussein Khalidi, and the National Bloc, created by the Nablus notable Abdel Latif Salah – both of which took a neutral stance in the rivalry between their larger counterparts. This struggle for political pre-eminence was further radicalized by the Nazi seizure of power in Germany. The long-established paper Karmil pined for the appearance of “an Arab Hitler” who “will awaken the Arabs and rally them behind his leadership so that they will do what needs to be done,” while Jamal Husseini invoked one of Hitler’s famous refrains in inaugurating his party’s youth organization. “When we began our activity we were six, then we became 6,000 and then 60 million,” he quoted the German tyrant before urging the gathered youths to emulate the Nazi example by “toughening their bodies and souls so as to be able to defend the nation’s honor and rights in time of need.”
It was indeed the Husseinis, the foremost inﬂuence in Palestinian Arab politics, who displayed the greatest enthusiasm for Nazism, going so far as to model their youth organization on the lines of the Hitlerjugend and temporarily naming it “The Nazi Scouts.” Losing no time, the Mufti rushed to the German consul in Jerusalem to tell him that “the Muslims in Palestine and elsewhere were enthusiastic about the new regime in Germany and looked forward to the spread of Fascism throughout the region.”
↑ Yehoshua Porat, From Riots to Rebellion: The Palestinian Arab National Movement 1929-1939 (Heb.), pp. 101-100.
↑ The Sydney Jewish News, 4 March 1949 [3]

Hashimites and Husseinis.
By J. M. Japolsky (London)
(The second of four articles on “The Arab Scene”).
THE REAL ENEMIES.
From the beginning he realised that his real enemies were not, as might be expected, the Zionists in Palestine, but two distinct Arab groups. One was the rival Wahhabi clan, headed by the formidable erstwhile Sultan of Nejd, and now King Abdul Aziz ibn Saoud, who had dealt so harshly with his father, the Sherif and his brother Ali. The other was the sludge of professional Arab politicians who floated to the top in the post 1918 swirl of Arab politics and have been exploiting the Arab A good example of this, gentry is the racketeering and murderous Husseini family, headed by Haj Amin el Husseini, former Grand Mufti of Jerusalem an arch enemy of the Jews. The names of the Husseinis and their adherents in the now languishing Palestine Arab Higher Committee read like an indictment in a trial of Nazi collaborators: Amin himself, compromised in the business of the S.S. death camps and—assisted, by his nephew Jamal—a leading light in the pro-Nazi Iraq revolt of 1941; Wasef Kamal, Nazi Secret Service agent in Turkey and later collaborator of Amin Husseini in Germany; Rasem Khalidi, broad caster for the Nazis from Radio Athens and a co-conspirator of Amin Husseini in the Iraq Revolt; Muin el Madi, another Nazi Secret Service agent in Turkey; Izzat Darwaza and Is’haq Darwish, two of Amin Husseini’s aides in Nazi Germany; Emile Ghoury, terrorist and conspirator in the Iraq Revolt. Equally notorious are their strong-arm men, of whom two examples will suffice: the Albanian Sturmbannfuehrer S.S. Fauzi ed Dine kaukji, who “packed a rod” for Amin el Husseini before the war, was a professional gun-runner, helped in the Iraq Revolt, reached the rank of S.S. Major in the German Army and whose gangs the Israeli Army recently cut to pieces in Galilee, and Sheikh Hassan Salame, who also held the rank of Major in the German Army, and whose cut-throats have been terrorising the Arab villages in Central Palestine.
TOWARDS GREATER SYRIA?
These political racketeers and their pistol-packing thugs have their counterparts in various official posts in the “Republics” of Syria and the Lebanon. They represent a scum which has nothing in common with the future of the Arab people or with the crystallisation of power in the Arab world through the clash of royal dynasties, such as the Hashimites and Wahhabis which has been shaping its destiny. The paths along which Abdullah’s plans took him are both numerous and tortuous. Their general direction, however, has been plain; to swallow up the “Republics” of Syria and the Lebanon, and together with Transjordan to create a “Greater Syrian” Kingdom, establishing Hashimite rule from Beirut to Basra. British policy has sought to use Abdullah as a tool in its desire to reoccupy Haifa with the Trans jordan Arab Legion. He, however, preferred to establish himself in the Old City of Jerusalem (one of the Moslem Holy Places) rather than break against Israeli troops his one weapon—the Arab Legion —for his struggle against the Wahhabis, the Egyptians, the Husseinis, and the degenerate cliques in Damascus and Beirut. That achieved, he was in a favour able position to win the support of the Palestine Arabs, now freed by the panic flight of their self appointed “leaders” from the terror of the Husseini’s gunmen...
↑ Palestine Affairs. United States: American Zionist Emergency Council, 1947, p. 50.
On May 12, before the First Committee, Moshe Shertok, in reply to the questions presented to Dr. Silver on the 8th, carefully analyzed the Jewish position. Emil Ghory, replying to the questions asked of Henry Cattan on the 9th, took the opportunity to justify the pro-Nazi activities of the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem, and concluded by saying: "The Jews are questioning the record of an Arab spiritual leader. Does this properly come from the mouth of a people who have [Ghory:] crucified the founder of Christianity?
↑ Karsh, E. (2010). Palestine Betrayed. United States: Yale University Press. Ch.4 'The Road to Partition.' [4].
...threats were accompanied by a vicious campaign of incitement and de-legitimization. One after another, Arab spokesmen admonished Zionism in the vilest possible terms, combining anti-Jewish bigotry dating back to Islam's early days with the hoariest and most bizarre themes of modern European anti-Semitism.
"The Jews are questioning the record of an Arab spiritual leader. Does that properly come from the mouth of a people who have crucified the founder of Christianity?" AHC member Emile Ghouri defended the Mufti's Nazi collaboration at the General Assembly's special session on Palestine (April 28–May 15, 1947), to the shock and disgust of many delegates.
For his part, the Iraqi foreign minister, Fadel Jamali, chose to underscore a modern-day canard, articulated in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (the notorious anti-Semitic tract fabricated by the Russian secret police at the turn of the twentieth century) and taken up by the Nazis....
↑ Der Tog - דער טאג, 21 May 1947.

די מופטי-אראבער.
The Mufti-Arabs. The representatives of the Palestinian Arabs in the UN Assembly infected with Hitler poison. By L. Spizman.
The wild outburst of the representative of the Palestinian Arabs, Emile [al-] Ghury [Ghoury], against Jews, in his glorification of the bloody Mufti of Jerusalem...
According to the statement of Emil Ghoury, the only crime of Mufti, the "spiritual leader" of the Arabs, whom he compared with crazy arrogance to Washington and General Smuts, was that he stood in the way of the Zionist goals. The Mufti unfortunately had to escape to Germany, because he had no other place to escape to...
"Neutral" was also the "spiritual leader" of the Arabs when he helped ... when he himself traveled to Oświęcim [Auschwitz] to see how the death chambers worked and to secure a part for himself of the Jewish clothes and children's shoes in case of a German victory...
↑ Jewish Frontier. (1947). United States: Labor Zionist Letters, Incorporated, vol. 14, p.4.
The Arab position... ... Emile Ghory's extraordinary outburst about the Jews ' having killed Christ and hence being disqualified from complaining about the Mufti's complicity in the slaughter of six million Jews...
↑ UNITED NATIONS: Overstatement, TIME. May 26, 1947.

According to a legend told by Syria’s Faris el Khoury, an Arab counts only happy days in reckoning his age. On that basis, Arabs did not grow much older in the 18-day General Assembly session.
The non-Arab world had tended to look upon the Palestine problem as a quarrel between Britain and the Zionists, as if Arabs did not also live there. At U.N., the Arabs had their big chance to present their case, overstated it, and in the end lost some of the sympathy they had won....
Fighting Invited? When the Arabs saw themselves losing the debate, they lost their tempers. Cried Iraq’s Fadhil Jamali: “Supporting the aspirations of the Jews [in Palestine] means very clearly a declaration of war. . . . This is an invitation to fighting.” Even Arabs saw they had gone too far when Emil Ghory, a Christian Arab on the Palestine Arab Higher Committee, defended his pro-Nazi boss, the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem, with an un-Christian outburst: “The Jews are questioning the record of an Arab spiritual leader. Does that come properly from the mouth of a people who ... the Founder of Christianity?”
↑ Regional Development for Regional Peace: A New Policy and Program to Counter the Soviet Menace in the Middle East. (1957). United States: Public Affairs Institute, pp. 235-241. [5]

[passia-1] 1.0 ^1.1 Ghory, Emile. Passia.

[2] The Palestine Post⁩, 16 July 1934.

TROUBLES IN GERMANY
The following paragraph is taken from the Arab Federation, a Jerusalem weekly in English, dated July 7. The people of Palestine have been watching the recent troubles in Germany with great interest and keen.
They were astonished by the courageous quick actions of Hitler whom the Arabs admire very much.

[3] Palestine Clamps Ban on Anti-jewish Paper, JTA, November 13, 1934. [1].
The Executive Council of the government has barred for one month one of the most virulent anti-Jewish publications here. The Arab Federation, Edited by Emile Ghory, it is a bi-weekly printed in English and Arabic. Ghory also edited the Esh Shabab (Youth) weekly, which was closed down recently for three months for publishing inciting articles.

[4] Al Liwaa. National Library of Israel.

[bartal-5] 5.0 ^5.1 ^5.2 Shaul Bartal (2015). Jihad in Palestine: Political Islam and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. London; New York: Routledge. p. 5. ISBN 978-1-317-51961-4.

[6] Karsh, E. (2010). Palestine Betrayed. United States: Yale University Press, Ch.1, p.30. [2]

In reality, it was the Mufti who was primarily responsible for the radicalization of Palestinian Arab public opinion. In June 1930, his representatives at the deliberations of the international commission on the future of the Wailing Wall, convened in the wake of the 1929 massacres, refused to recognize any Jewish rights in Palestine (and not only at the Wall), and this recalcitrance was ampliﬁed by a pan-Islamic congress held in Jerusalem in December 1931. This zero-sum approach that assigned to the Jews no national or collective rights whatever gained considerable momentum in the early 1930s as the rival Arab factions and clans vied for political dominance through the creation of new parties. In August 1932, Abdel Hadi established the Palestinian branch of the pan-Arab Independence Party (Istiqlal), followed shortly afterward by the creation of the Youth Congress, headed by Yaqub Ghussein. Two years later, the Party for National Defense was created as the political arm of the Nashashibis, the second most powerful Palestinian Arab clan and the Husseinis’ bitterest enemies, and the latter responded in kind by forming, in March 1935, the Arab Palestinian Party headed by Jamal Husseini. These were followed in the same year by the Reform Party, established by Jerusalem’s mayor, Hussein Khalidi, and the National Bloc, created by the Nablus notable Abdel Latif Salah – both of which took a neutral stance in the rivalry between their larger counterparts. This struggle for political pre-eminence was further radicalized by the Nazi seizure of power in Germany. The long-established paper Karmil pined for the appearance of “an Arab Hitler” who “will awaken the Arabs and rally them behind his leadership so that they will do what needs to be done,” while Jamal Husseini invoked one of Hitler’s famous refrains in inaugurating his party’s youth organization. “When we began our activity we were six, then we became 6,000 and then 60 million,” he quoted the German tyrant before urging the gathered youths to emulate the Nazi example by “toughening their bodies and souls so as to be able to defend the nation’s honor and rights in time of need.”
It was indeed the Husseinis, the foremost inﬂuence in Palestinian Arab politics, who displayed the greatest enthusiasm for Nazism, going so far as to model their youth organization on the lines of the Hitlerjugend and temporarily naming it “The Nazi Scouts.” Losing no time, the Mufti rushed to the German consul in Jerusalem to tell him that “the Muslims in Palestine and elsewhere were enthusiastic about the new regime in Germany and looked forward to the spread of Fascism throughout the region.”

[7] Yehoshua Porat, From Riots to Rebellion: The Palestinian Arab National Movement 1929-1939 (Heb.), pp. 101-100.

[8] The Sydney Jewish News, 4 March 1949 [3]

Hashimites and Husseinis.
By J. M. Japolsky (London)
(The second of four articles on “The Arab Scene”).
THE REAL ENEMIES.
From the beginning he realised that his real enemies were not, as might be expected, the Zionists in Palestine, but two distinct Arab groups. One was the rival Wahhabi clan, headed by the formidable erstwhile Sultan of Nejd, and now King Abdul Aziz ibn Saoud, who had dealt so harshly with his father, the Sherif and his brother Ali. The other was the sludge of professional Arab politicians who floated to the top in the post 1918 swirl of Arab politics and have been exploiting the Arab A good example of this, gentry is the racketeering and murderous Husseini family, headed by Haj Amin el Husseini, former Grand Mufti of Jerusalem an arch enemy of the Jews. The names of the Husseinis and their adherents in the now languishing Palestine Arab Higher Committee read like an indictment in a trial of Nazi collaborators: Amin himself, compromised in the business of the S.S. death camps and—assisted, by his nephew Jamal—a leading light in the pro-Nazi Iraq revolt of 1941; Wasef Kamal, Nazi Secret Service agent in Turkey and later collaborator of Amin Husseini in Germany; Rasem Khalidi, broad caster for the Nazis from Radio Athens and a co-conspirator of Amin Husseini in the Iraq Revolt; Muin el Madi, another Nazi Secret Service agent in Turkey; Izzat Darwaza and Is’haq Darwish, two of Amin Husseini’s aides in Nazi Germany; Emile Ghoury, terrorist and conspirator in the Iraq Revolt. Equally notorious are their strong-arm men, of whom two examples will suffice: the Albanian Sturmbannfuehrer S.S. Fauzi ed Dine kaukji, who “packed a rod” for Amin el Husseini before the war, was a professional gun-runner, helped in the Iraq Revolt, reached the rank of S.S. Major in the German Army and whose gangs the Israeli Army recently cut to pieces in Galilee, and Sheikh Hassan Salame, who also held the rank of Major in the German Army, and whose cut-throats have been terrorising the Arab villages in Central Palestine.
TOWARDS GREATER SYRIA?
These political racketeers and their pistol-packing thugs have their counterparts in various official posts in the “Republics” of Syria and the Lebanon. They represent a scum which has nothing in common with the future of the Arab people or with the crystallisation of power in the Arab world through the clash of royal dynasties, such as the Hashimites and Wahhabis which has been shaping its destiny. The paths along which Abdullah’s plans took him are both numerous and tortuous. Their general direction, however, has been plain; to swallow up the “Republics” of Syria and the Lebanon, and together with Transjordan to create a “Greater Syrian” Kingdom, establishing Hashimite rule from Beirut to Basra. British policy has sought to use Abdullah as a tool in its desire to reoccupy Haifa with the Trans jordan Arab Legion. He, however, preferred to establish himself in the Old City of Jerusalem (one of the Moslem Holy Places) rather than break against Israeli troops his one weapon—the Arab Legion —for his struggle against the Wahhabis, the Egyptians, the Husseinis, and the degenerate cliques in Damascus and Beirut. That achieved, he was in a favour able position to win the support of the Palestine Arabs, now freed by the panic flight of their self appointed “leaders” from the terror of the Husseini’s gunmen...

[9] Palestine Affairs. United States: American Zionist Emergency Council, 1947, p. 50.
On May 12, before the First Committee, Moshe Shertok, in reply to the questions presented to Dr. Silver on the 8th, carefully analyzed the Jewish position. Emil Ghory, replying to the questions asked of Henry Cattan on the 9th, took the opportunity to justify the pro-Nazi activities of the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem, and concluded by saying: "The Jews are questioning the record of an Arab spiritual leader. Does this properly come from the mouth of a people who have [Ghory:] crucified the founder of Christianity?

[10] Karsh, E. (2010). Palestine Betrayed. United States: Yale University Press. Ch.4 'The Road to Partition.' [4].
...threats were accompanied by a vicious campaign of incitement and de-legitimization. One after another, Arab spokesmen admonished Zionism in the vilest possible terms, combining anti-Jewish bigotry dating back to Islam's early days with the hoariest and most bizarre themes of modern European anti-Semitism.
"The Jews are questioning the record of an Arab spiritual leader. Does that properly come from the mouth of a people who have crucified the founder of Christianity?" AHC member Emile Ghouri defended the Mufti's Nazi collaboration at the General Assembly's special session on Palestine (April 28–May 15, 1947), to the shock and disgust of many delegates.
For his part, the Iraqi foreign minister, Fadel Jamali, chose to underscore a modern-day canard, articulated in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (the notorious anti-Semitic tract fabricated by the Russian secret police at the turn of the twentieth century) and taken up by the Nazis....

[11] Der Tog - דער טאג, 21 May 1947.

די מופטי-אראבער.
The Mufti-Arabs. The representatives of the Palestinian Arabs in the UN Assembly infected with Hitler poison. By L. Spizman.
The wild outburst of the representative of the Palestinian Arabs, Emile [al-] Ghury [Ghoury], against Jews, in his glorification of the bloody Mufti of Jerusalem...
According to the statement of Emil Ghoury, the only crime of Mufti, the "spiritual leader" of the Arabs, whom he compared with crazy arrogance to Washington and General Smuts, was that he stood in the way of the Zionist goals. The Mufti unfortunately had to escape to Germany, because he had no other place to escape to...
"Neutral" was also the "spiritual leader" of the Arabs when he helped ... when he himself traveled to Oświęcim [Auschwitz] to see how the death chambers worked and to secure a part for himself of the Jewish clothes and children's shoes in case of a German victory...

[12] Jewish Frontier. (1947). United States: Labor Zionist Letters, Incorporated, vol. 14, p.4.
The Arab position... ... Emile Ghory's extraordinary outburst about the Jews ' having killed Christ and hence being disqualified from complaining about the Mufti's complicity in the slaughter of six million Jews...

[13] UNITED NATIONS: Overstatement, TIME. May 26, 1947.

According to a legend told by Syria’s Faris el Khoury, an Arab counts only happy days in reckoning his age. On that basis, Arabs did not grow much older in the 18-day General Assembly session.
The non-Arab world had tended to look upon the Palestine problem as a quarrel between Britain and the Zionists, as if Arabs did not also live there. At U.N., the Arabs had their big chance to present their case, overstated it, and in the end lost some of the sympathy they had won....
Fighting Invited? When the Arabs saw themselves losing the debate, they lost their tempers. Cried Iraq’s Fadhil Jamali: “Supporting the aspirations of the Jews [in Palestine] means very clearly a declaration of war. . . . This is an invitation to fighting.” Even Arabs saw they had gone too far when Emil Ghory, a Christian Arab on the Palestine Arab Higher Committee, defended his pro-Nazi boss, the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem, with an un-Christian outburst: “The Jews are questioning the record of an Arab spiritual leader. Does that come properly from the mouth of a people who ... the Founder of Christianity?”

[14] Regional Development for Regional Peace: A New Policy and Program to Counter the Soviet Menace in the Middle East. (1957). United States: Public Affairs Institute, pp. 235-241. [5]

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