2019 Chilean State of Emergency
The 2019 Chilean State of Emergency refers to unfolding civil protests and various acts of violence throughout Chile — led by socialists and communists — in response to a rise in the 'Metro' subway fare, inequality, falling wages and the rising cost of education and healthcare. The protests began in Chile's capital, Santiago, on Friday October 18 as a coordinated fare evasion campaign by high school students. This quickly led to the destruction of several subway stations in Santiago and violent confrontations with the police and army units.
President Sebastián Piñera declared a state of emergency on October 19, with curfews issued in several cities. Police have used tear gas, water cannon, rubber bullets and anti-riot shotguns as a last resort. There have been incidents of looting, and arson attacks on supermarkets, petrol stations and the high-rise headquarters of a major energy firm.
Community leaders called for volunteers to guard against rioters, and many civilians from the Santiago suburbs rushed to defend their local supermarkets. Styling themselves as 'Chalecos Amarillos' (Yellow Vests), many were armed with a variety of improvised weapons, including steel pipes, baseball bats, and air rifles.
The protests began as a student-led demonstration against transport fares. In early October, the government announced that the metro rush hour prices would rise by 0.30 pesos ($US 0.04). Outrage grew after the price increase, leading secondary school students to conduct a mass fare evasion by jumping over the subway turnstiles, and, in some instances, destroying them.
On Thursday November 7, high school students from 'Liceo Confederación Suiza' in Santiago attempted to raid retail shops in the suburb of Barrio 10 de Julio but local business owners armed with makeshift clubs and machetes foiled the surprise attack that was captured on film.
On November 14, disturbing video evidence emerged in the 'Paralelo 33' YouTube Channel showing elementary school students aged 5–10 chanting anti-Piñera slogans while being openly encouraged by their leftist teachers in a clear campaign of political indoctrination in the Chilean education system.
On November 22, high school students in a new coordinated campaign of civil disobedience, jumped turnstiles of the 'Metro' subway system and refused to pay bus fares throughout Santiago.
The unrest reportedly began as a protest over a 4-cent increase in subway fares and soon transformed into a larger movement over growing inequality in one of Latin America's wealthiest countries.
Tension had already been mounting in the main Chilean cities in the years leading up to the riots: the unemployment rate was about 7.2 percent, a drug epidemic was ravaging the cities, and gang activity, violent crime and lack of respect for authority were high in the working-class suburbs with 7,000 street protests taking place from January 1, 2016 till mid-June 2017 that often ended in violent clashes with Chilean riot police.
On October 18, left-wing politician Gabriel Boric Font and lead-singer and guitarist Claudio Valenzuela from the rock band Lucybell took part in the anti-government protests at the 'Plaza Italia', and with TV cameramen capturing the event, both openly condemned the armed Chilean soldiers present that were keeping a watchful eye on the protesters.
On October 25, over a million people took to the streets throughout Chile to protest against President Piñera, demanding his resignation.
Protests erupted again on October 28 despite President Piñera's decision to reshuffle his cabinet. On November 1, about 1,000 women dressed in black, marched silently through Santiago's streets carrying flowers, calling for justice for the nearly two dozen people who had been killed in the unrest that had gripped Chile for two weeks.
During the night of October 18, subway stations, supermarkets, and petrol stations were burned throughout Santiago, leading the president to call a state of emergency on Saturday October 19. The New York Times reported:
|“||Around the city, flames and smoke mixed with tear gas and water cannon spray as armed forces mobilized on the streets for the first time in almost 30 years in a country that still shudders at the memory of military rule.||”|
On Monday, October 20, many supermarkets, shopping malls, and cinemas remained closed as the protests continued. Curfews were imposed for that night in the Santiago Metropolitan Region, and the regions of Valparaíso, Biobío (including the regional capital, Concepción), and Coquimbo; as the curfew began in Santiago, many protesters remained on the street. Interior Minister Andrés Chadwick told reporters Monday that 110 supermarkets were looted and 13 buildings were set ablaze, including the head office of electricity firm 'Enel Chile'.
As rioting spread to other parts of the country, states of emergency were declared in the Valparaíso Region and Concepción Province. In an address to the nation that evening, President Sebastián Piñera announced the cancellation of the fare increase and the establishment of a dialogue panel, with representatives from across society, to discuss the underlying causes behind the unrest. Piñera also warned the country was "at war against a powerful enemy, who is willing to use violence without any limits".
Local authorities also announced the closure of schools on October 21 and 22 in most suburbs of Santiago and across the province of Concepción. Television coverage of four MOWAG Piraña armored cars and supporting infantry from the 1st 'Buin' Regiment firing tear gas canisters repeatedly at roving looters in the affluent suburb of Las Condes was widely seen and controversial.
On October 23, violent protestors from 'Plaza Italia' under the cover of darkness set off to the 'Principado de Asturias' in the nearby suburb of Providencia and ransacked and destroyed great part of the hotel, after warning staff and foreign tourists to vacate the premises or perish in the resulting flames.
José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch in an interview acknowledged that:
|“||Prosecutors should also carry out prompt, thorough, and impartial investigations into serious crimes committed by demonstrators in recent days.||”|
On October 28, frustrated protesters who had been dispersed from their attempts to march to the 'La Moneda' Presidential Palace, set fire and destroyed the nearby Restaurante La Piccola Italia just 700 metres from their intended target.
On November 3, it was officially announced that the school year in several parts of Santiago had abruptly come to an end, for it was too dangerous for children of all ages to attend classes.
On November 4, violent protesters in the city of Concepción set fire to the 'Caja de Compensación Los Andes' high rise building. 
On November 6, with the slopes of Cerro San Cristobal overlooking Providencia set ablaze, it was reported that firefighters in Santiago alone had battled 1,600 fires in the period of October 18-November 1 and were reaching breaking point.
On November 9, leftist protestors completely looted a Roman Catholic church―Parroquia de la Asunción―in the Chilean capital. In simultaneous attacks, protestors attacked the nearby Argentinian Embassy with rocks in a frustrated attempt to storm the building, set fire to the civil registry building in Providencia and completely destroyed with fire the Pedro de Valdivia University.
On Monday 11 November, leftists protestors ransacked another church―Iglesia María Auxiliadora―in the City of Talca in the presence of the helpless firefighters from the nearby fire station.
Protesters set fires, looted and destroyed liquor stores, grocery stores, retail shops, and fast-food restaurants. Security forces — both police and military — were clearly pelted with rocks; with several 'Carabineros' very nearly pulled out of their van and lynched in the suburb of Maipú on October 18 had it not been for the timely arrival of police reinforcements on foot that was captured on film.
On October 21, the Argentinian 'La Nación' TV crew covering events in Santiago was set upon by violent thugs, smashing and stealing equipment with cameraman Fabio Soria receiving a deep head wound that required hospitalization.
On October 31, 947 carabiniers from Chile's 60,000-strong Police force were reported wounded or injured in clashes involving violent protesters―armed with rocks, petrol bombs and explosive slingshot rounds―since the start of the national emergency and resulting acts of largely leftist violence.
On November 4, two young policewomen―Maria Jose Hernandez Torres, aged 25, and Abigail Catalina Aburto Cardenas, aged 20―suffered severe burns when hit by molotov cocktails launched by supposedly peaceful protesters gathered around 'Plaza Italia'.
On November 6, political commentator Fernando Villegas Darrouy informed listeners that Chilean police were fighting a losing battle, unable to draw their batons or even fire warning shots into the air for fear of being accused in the leftist media of using excessive force.
That day, violent protesters from 'Plaza Italia' marched to the head office of the Independent Democratic Union (Unión Demócrata Independiente or UDI) in the suburb of Providencia and proceeded to ransack the place, destroying several computers in the process.
On Wednesday 13 November, terrifying footage emerged of a large crowd from 'Plaza Italia' completely surrounding a police patrol van in an attempt to lynch the six 'carabineros' (including a female policewoman) trapped inside, but the driver was miraculously able to maintain himself calm and reverse his vehicle and force open a path through the frenzied mob.
During the national strike on November 21, protesters in northern Chile destroyed the 'San Pablo' hospital in the port city of Coquimbo while leftists in Santiago set ablaze the 'Arauco' shopping mall in the suburb of Quilicura.
On October 22, veteran journalist Hermógenes Pérez de Arce blamed the Chilean Communist Party ('Partido Comunista de Chile' or PCCh) and her political allies for the initial wave of destruction, pointing out that as a young teenager he witnessed the 'Revolución de la Chaucha' unfold when 50,000 protesters angry over the rise in bus fares had ransacked downtown Santiago and completely overwhelmed police in running street battles from June 16–17, 1949 before the intervention of the Chilean Army with orders to shoot-to-kill that finally stamped out the leftist violence. Pérez de Arce witnessed a repeat of the communist tactics during the 'Batalla de Santiago' in early April 1957 when protesters again went on a rampage over a rise in bus fares in the Chilean capital, targeting shops, buses, civilian cars and policemen before the intervention of army reinforcements under General Horacio Gamboa with orders to shoot-to-kill―after first firing warning shots―that quickly restored order in Santiago and elsewhere.
Lawmaker Gabriel Boric of the leftist 'Frente Amplio' was at the epicentre of the student rebellion in October which really began with student marches in 2011 and 2012 demanding greater access to higher education, but very quickly escalated into violent clashes with 'Carabineros' that shook the deeply conservative establishment to its core and permanently changed Chilean society. As the face of the student protests in 2019, Boric came under attack from various well-known conservative figures, including José Antonio Kast who accused Boric of being a political agitator.
On November 26, Chilean police investigating reports of a burglary in the headquarters of the Communist Party in the city of Calama in northern Chile, discovered six large bottles of fire accelerants, rock projectiles and plastic face masks, arresting three PCCh members in the premises.
On Wednesday November 13, José Antonio Kast head of the conservative Republican Party ('Partido Republicano') in Chile―in an interview with the 'Tele 13' radio station―criticized the Piñera administration for not countering the negative international coverage of the police crackdown on the protesters and condemnation on the part of the various human rights groups of the police tactics, with video evidence of the widespread destruction of the Santiago subway 'Metro' network and Kast also explained that protesters had been firing dumdum rounds from slingshots and many 'violentistas' (thugs) had consequently been blinded in the defensive barrage from carabiniers firing rubber bullets and―as a last resort―shotgun pellets into the angry crowds.
The Argentinian 'Telefe' TV team under journalist Abigail Hermo that extensively covered without restriction the protests in Santiago during October, openly sided with the anti-Piñera multitude gathered around 'Plaza Italia' and repeatedly condemned the presence of carabiniers and soldiers in the streets. The 'Telefe' crew under journalist Mariano García dispatched to Bolivia to cover the overthrow of President Evo Morales in November also sided with the leftist protesters but were soon called out by Roxana Lizárraga, the Minister of Communications, and threatened with incarceration and abandoned the country in haste after being labelled "seditious" and "pseudojournalists".
In December 2018, it was reported that multi-billionaire globalist George Soros was financing Chilean leftist movements that were aiming to make changes to the Constitution of Chile in order to reverse President Sebastian Piñera's decision to not sign the Global Compact for Migration. Soros also financed the left-wing political party Democratic Revolution previously.
On November 8, Danny Ramírez, a leading figure from the Venezuelan opposition living in exile in Chile―in an interview with Gonzalo de la Carrera from 'Radio Agricultura'―blamed Cuban intelligence officers for the mayhem in Chile.
On November 10, it was reported in The New American that foreign agents operating from the Cuban Embassy in Santiago were indeed fomenting the violent protests and the resulting national instability.
Chile's 60,000-strong carabinier (Police) force were fully mobilized with officers on 16 hour shifts (with a 4-hour break in between) with convoy patrols, Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm Bo 105 helicopters, street barricades, tactical command centers, and reinforcements from the Anfofogasta-based 1st (Desert) Army Infantry Division, the local Santiago Army Garrison and Marines from Carriel Sur in northern Chile.
On the seventh day, 2,000 soldiers of the 21st 'Miller' and 31st 'Aldea' Marine Infantry Battalions and 1,500 Marines of the 41st 'Hurtado' Combat Support and 51st 'Olave' Logistic Support Battalions arrived to reinforce the police and army forces already in the coastal cities of Valparaíso, Viña del Mar and Talcahuano. It was the first significant amphibious operation by the Chilean Marine Corps since the mopping-up operations conducted in Viña del Mar during the 1973 military coup that removed Marxist President Salvador Allende from power.
In an interview with 'Tele 13' (T13) on October 29, General Mario Alberto Rozas-Córdova, commander of the Chilean Police revealed that over 800 carabiniers had sustained serious wounds/injuries maintaining law and order during the nationwide protests with 140 police officers badly wounded or injured in the violence.
On 30 October, T13 in a follow-up report claimed that 919 carabiniers had been wounded/injured and interviewed several male and female police officers―from their hospital beds―that had been seriously wounded or injured in the clashes with the violent protesters armed with rocks, petrol bombs and dumdum bullets fired from slingshots.
Amnesty International was reported to be monitoring very closely the actions of the Chilean authorities since they declared a state of emergency and urged the government to listen to the population's grievances and take practical measures in response. The organization was reported to have sent an open letter to President Sebastián Piñera on October 20. “Instead of likening the demonstrations to a ‘state of war’ and calling protestors enemies of the State, stigmatizing them in a generalized way in an attempt to justify abuses against them, President Piñera’s government should listen to them and give a serious response to their legitimate grievances”, said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International.
On October 30, Jorge Ortiz Silva―a former Marxist guerrilla in the Revolutionary Left Movement and current chief of finance officer of the National Human Rights Institute―was caught feigning serious injury in a staged attack, which the mainstream media had earlier wrongly reported to have been a deliberate attack with anti-riot shotgun pellets on the INDH official that was supposedly shot in the leg despite wearing the corresponding NGO uniform that included an orange vest and yellow helmet.
On November 10, Brent McDonald from the New York Times uploaded a video in which he interviewed several protesters that had lost an eye to rubber bullets or anti-riot shotgun pellets in the nationwide protests.
That day, Mario Alberto Rozas-Córdova as commander of the Chilean police explained to reporters that anti-riot shotguns were only used as a last resort when his carabiniers were facing "imminent danger" from individuals that were "vandals and deliquents".
On Thursday November 28, the commander of Chilean Police Investigations ('Policía de Investigaciones de Chile' or PDI)―General Héctor Espinosa―rebuffed allegations of human rights abuses, explaining to reporters that "when a policeman is attacked and he fights back, this is not human rights violations".
General Espinosa and his driver had earlier witnessed the left-wing violence firsthand―on September 5, 2019―when the police vehicle they were traveling in suffered extensive exterior damage when pelted with rocks by protesters gathered in 'Plaza Italia'.
On Tuesday October 22, a young shoe store owner (Fabián Andrés Gutiérrez) in the suburb of Puente Alto in Santiago, shot and killed an innocent passerby in the form of a Peruvian migrant―48-year-old Agustín Juan Coro Conde―after reportedly been surrounded by a 50-strong mob that had planned to ransack the store.
On October 23, neighbours in the Maipú suburb of Santiago rallied in defence of their local supermarket, beating up with improvised clubs the fleeing rioters that had largely ransacked the place before the arrival of police and reinforcements in the form of local 'Chalecos Amarillos' (Yellow Vests).
On October 29, shop owners and neighbours wearing yellow vests in Quillota in central Chile were forced to arm themselves with baseball bats after violent protesters had burnt down great part of the popular 'Feria Modelo del Parque Aconcagua' and nearby branch of 'Banco Scotiabank'.
On Tuesday 5 November, the Yellow Vests in Reñaca and Concón―both major tourist attractions for their local beaches and night life―rallied to defend their seaside towns with improvised weapons, turning back a large mob marching in their direction from nearby Viña del Mar.
On Sunday 10 November, the so-called "peaceful protestors" returned and ransacked several business in Reñaca, set ablaze the popular 'Restaurante Mastrantonio' and throw stones at the windows of the private high rise apartments that overlook the local beaches.
The next day, a local Yellow Vest resident in the form of John Cobin from the United States, was arrested for having fired warning shots and wounding a protestor in the leg in an attempt to disperse the violent mob that had taken over the streets of Reñaca the previous day.
On Friday November 1, a Yellow Vest in the form of 56-year-old Héctor Martínez Cuevas―nicknamed 'Chuck Norris'―was killed bravely defending shops in the Franklin suburb of Santiago.
Deaths and arrests
On October 24, the Chilean government reported that 18 people had been killed during the demonstrations, the night curfews and various acts of arson. According to the National Human Rights Institute (Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos or INDH), five of these fatalities were at the hands of the security forces, the remainder largely victims of arson. The INDH has also reported that some 2,600 people have been detained and 584 injured, 245 of them by firearms.
The next day, the elite police drug squad from the 'Departamento O.S.7 Drogas y Estupefacientes' in a warning of things to come, conducted 12 televised dawn raids in the suburbs of Peñalolén, La Florida, El Bosque, San Bernardo and Puente Alto in Santiago, arresting 7 citizens that were caught in security footage taking part in the first week of looting.
On October 29, Professor Roberto Campos-Weiss from the 'Universidad del Desarrollo' (UDD) became the first citizen formally charged with taking part in the destruction of the Santiago subway network, after video evidence emerged showing him taking part in the destruction of the turnstiles of the San Joaquín Train Station.
On October 30, 42 televised police raids were conducted in the Santiago suburbs of Quilicura, Talagante, Maipú and Conchalí resulting in the arrest of 7 people caught in possession of stolen goods. In all, 71 citizens that had taken part in the initial wave of destruction throughout Chile were reported to have been finally apprehended in the police crackdown that day.
On November 13, the Chilean government reported that 833 civilians and 1,232 carabiniers and soldiers had been wounded in the nationwide violence.
That day, it was reported that Judge Graciel Muñoz from the 12th Court in Santiago had granted permission for Gabriel Boric, Diego Ibáñez, Gael Yeomans and Gonzalo Winter from the 'Frente Amplio' (Broad Front) left-wing political coalition―in a clear show of solidarity with criminals―to visit Professor Campos-Weiss in the maximum security prison housing him.
The Metro subway damage/destruction sustained is estimated to be at least $US 300 million.
On November 18, the Financial Post reported that the nationwide protests had left at least 23 dead, 2,365 civilians hospitalized and as many as 14,000 arrested with the finance minister estimating the damage to be $US 3 billion.
Santiago City Mayors responded in various ways, including forming vigilante groups such as the 'Chalecos Amarillos' (Yellow Vests) and with richer suburbs increasing efforts to build collaborative links with the working class suburbs through initiatives like the Las Condes-La Pintana Association.
On October 22, President Sebastián Piñera, a billionaire conservative who has been criticized for his timid response to the violence, promised to increase the basic pension by 20% and the minimum wage from $US 413 to $US 482. He also pledged tax rises on high-income earners, a law that would see the state cover the costs of expensive medical treatment, affordable over-the-counter medicine and the cancellation of a planned electricity rate hike.
However, emboldened protesters rejected President Piñera's political concessions as major demonstrations continued across the country demanding greater equality and constitutional changes.
On November 14, President Piñera conceded more ground to leftist politicians and militants on the streets—the offer to rewrite the Chile's constitution. In a desperate move by the president to control the riots; he announced that a national plebiscite would be held in April 2020 to determine whether Chileans want a new constitution.
Johannes Kaiser, a popular conservative political commentator criticized the policy of appeasement on the part of the Piñera administration:
|“||How does it feel to be a member of parliament, senator or deputy of the UDI or National Renewal, people that won 54 percent of the votes and realize you have all been fooled like toddlers?, and finally understand that we the people of Chile realize your worth, Zero, Nothing, a completely useless lot, all the millions you claimed you were worth, you do not deserve 1 peso of those earnings.||”|
- Gomez, Christian (November 2, 2019). Socialist Protests Paralyze Chile. The New American. Retrieved November 2, 2019.
- Communist War on Chile. The New American. November 5, 2019. Retrieved November 5, 2019.
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- DIRECTO AL GRANO JUNTO A GONZALO DE LA CARRERA
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