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| − | '''Corruption''' is, in politics and business, abusing one's position to enrich or otherwise advance oneself or one's friends or relatives. Bribery and [[nepotism]] are common forms of corruption. More subtle is the failure to perform civic duty, or to allow personal priorities to overcome national needs. | + | '''Corruption''' is, in politics, business and the legal system, abusing one's position to enrich or otherwise advance oneself or one's friends or relatives. Bribery and [[nepotism]] are common forms of corruption. More subtle is the failure to perform civic duty (i.e. dereliction), or to allow personal opinions or priorities to overcome national needs (as has become the case in federal courts under [[Barack Obama]] in recent years). |
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| | Corruption is found in every part of the political spectrum, as soon as people get power that they can abuse. As the great conservative historian Lord Acton (1834–1902) explained, "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely."<ref>see [http://www.phrases.org.uk/meanings/288200.html "The Phrase Finder"]</ref> | | Corruption is found in every part of the political spectrum, as soon as people get power that they can abuse. As the great conservative historian Lord Acton (1834–1902) explained, "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely."<ref>see [http://www.phrases.org.uk/meanings/288200.html "The Phrase Finder"]</ref> |
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| | As Bailyn (1968) demonstrated, fear of corruption by the conservative forces in Britain and America was the single most important impulse for the [[Founding Fathers]] to distrust the royal government, embrace [[republicanism]] and insist on civic virtue for all citizens. Threats to free government, most Americans (and some British "country party" critics ) believed, lurked everywhere, but nowhere more dangerously than in the designs of ministers in office to aggrandize power by the corrupt use [[lobbyist|influence]], and by this means ultimately to destroy the balance of the [[Constitution]]. "Corruption!" was as universal a cry in the colonies as it was in England, and with it came the same belief that [[tyranny]], already dominant over most of the earth, was continuing to spread its menace and was threatening even that greatest bastion of [[liberty]], England itself. In the colonies the executive was legally far stronger than in England, but circumstances - such as inflexible royal instructions, encroachments on the governor's patronage, the more democratic nature of colonial politics, the impermanence of the governor's tenure, and the possibility of going over the governor's heads and appealing directly to authorities in England - worked to reduce radically the influence of the colonial governors. With an indeterminate leadership, an unstable economic structure, and the exertion by colonial governments of creative power unknown to 18th-century England, the colonial political system was troubled, contentious, even explosive, evoking, as it did, both the belief that faction was seditious and the fear that the government was corrupt and threatened the survival of liberty. English constitutional theory offered a mode of comprehension of such an inflamed, anomalous politics; and it is this mode of understanding that forms the background of the American Revolution.<ref>Bernard Bailyn, ''The Origin of American Politics'' (1968)</ref> | | As Bailyn (1968) demonstrated, fear of corruption by the conservative forces in Britain and America was the single most important impulse for the [[Founding Fathers]] to distrust the royal government, embrace [[republicanism]] and insist on civic virtue for all citizens. Threats to free government, most Americans (and some British "country party" critics ) believed, lurked everywhere, but nowhere more dangerously than in the designs of ministers in office to aggrandize power by the corrupt use [[lobbyist|influence]], and by this means ultimately to destroy the balance of the [[Constitution]]. "Corruption!" was as universal a cry in the colonies as it was in England, and with it came the same belief that [[tyranny]], already dominant over most of the earth, was continuing to spread its menace and was threatening even that greatest bastion of [[liberty]], England itself. In the colonies the executive was legally far stronger than in England, but circumstances - such as inflexible royal instructions, encroachments on the governor's patronage, the more democratic nature of colonial politics, the impermanence of the governor's tenure, and the possibility of going over the governor's heads and appealing directly to authorities in England - worked to reduce radically the influence of the colonial governors. With an indeterminate leadership, an unstable economic structure, and the exertion by colonial governments of creative power unknown to 18th-century England, the colonial political system was troubled, contentious, even explosive, evoking, as it did, both the belief that faction was seditious and the fear that the government was corrupt and threatened the survival of liberty. English constitutional theory offered a mode of comprehension of such an inflamed, anomalous politics; and it is this mode of understanding that forms the background of the American Revolution.<ref>Bernard Bailyn, ''The Origin of American Politics'' (1968)</ref> |
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| − | Corruption was thus the great evil the Founding Fathers confronted. When Britain escalated its defense of corruption in 1773-75, it was time to break free with the [[American Revolution]]. | + | Corruption was thus the great evil the Founding Fathers confronted. When Britain escalated its defense of corruption in 1773-75, it was time to break free with the [[American Revolution]]. |
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| | ===Pursuit of civic virtue=== | | ===Pursuit of civic virtue=== |
| | To overcome the temptations of corruption—such as luxury and bribery—in their own lives, the Founding Fathers cultivated the virtue of disinterestedness. That is, the made a conscious effort to not be the creature of his financial interests, and not give any sign to the public that they sought luxury or bribes. The goal was to be impartial, concerned only for the public good, not the advancement of friends or, still less, of party. | | To overcome the temptations of corruption—such as luxury and bribery—in their own lives, the Founding Fathers cultivated the virtue of disinterestedness. That is, the made a conscious effort to not be the creature of his financial interests, and not give any sign to the public that they sought luxury or bribes. The goal was to be impartial, concerned only for the public good, not the advancement of friends or, still less, of party. |
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| | Corruption continues to be the greatest threat to [[republicanism]], and is a red flag for both parties in the U.S., even though both parties have been guilty. | | Corruption continues to be the greatest threat to [[republicanism]], and is a red flag for both parties in the U.S., even though both parties have been guilty. |
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| | ===Presidential elections=== | | ===Presidential elections=== |
| | Corruption is most often an issue in state and city elections, but it has been a central issue in several presidential campaigns. | | Corruption is most often an issue in state and city elections, but it has been a central issue in several presidential campaigns. |
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| | ==Political machines== | | ==Political machines== |
| | Political scientists have compared the conditions that gave rise to urban machines in the United States (such as the [[Tweed Ring]] in New York City in the 1860s) to conditions today in Africa and Asia. Both types of machines have been organized in societies undergoing a transition and seeking personal or family rewards rather than seeking national goals or civic duty. Both kinds of machines overcame the fragmentation of government power, the social fragmentation created by urbanization, and the poverty of the people. Patronage has been the key element in maintaining control in both situations. Perhaps the machine as an organization works best at a subnational level where the social structure is more appropriate for machine development.<ref>Scott (1969)</ref> | | Political scientists have compared the conditions that gave rise to urban machines in the United States (such as the [[Tweed Ring]] in New York City in the 1860s) to conditions today in Africa and Asia. Both types of machines have been organized in societies undergoing a transition and seeking personal or family rewards rather than seeking national goals or civic duty. Both kinds of machines overcame the fragmentation of government power, the social fragmentation created by urbanization, and the poverty of the people. Patronage has been the key element in maintaining control in both situations. Perhaps the machine as an organization works best at a subnational level where the social structure is more appropriate for machine development.<ref>Scott (1969)</ref> |
| − | In the [[Progressive Era]] in the early 20th century, reformers determined to rewrite the laws to eliminate corruption in American politics. Assuming that the people were good and the politicians corrupt, they adopted means to enhance grass roots political activism, including the [[direct primary]], direct election of senators (instead of election by the legislature), the [[Recall election|recall]], initiative, and referendum. They tried to eliminate [[saloons]] and regulated financial contributions to politicians and parties. Seeing women as purer than men, they enacted [[womans suffrage]], and also reduced the voting powers of groups seen as susceptible to corruption, especially blacks and illiterate immigrants. | + | In the [[Progressive Era]] in the early 20th century, reformers determined to rewrite the laws to eliminate corruption in American politics. Assuming that the people were good and the politicians corrupt, they adopted means to enhance grass roots political activism, including the [[direct primary]], direct election of senators (instead of election by the legislature), the [[Recall election|recall]], initiative, and referendum. They tried to eliminate [[saloons]] and regulated financial contributions to politicians and parties. Seeing women as purer than men, they enacted [[woman suffrage]], and also reduced the voting powers of groups seen as susceptible to corruption, especially blacks and illiterate immigrants. |
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| | [[William Allen White]] was a leader of the Progressives in the 1900-1940 era who sought a viable moral order that would provide the nation with a sense of community. White recognized the powerful forces of corruption but called for slow, remedial change having its origin in the middle class. In the 'Heart of a Fool' (1918), White fully developed the idea that reform remained the soundest ally of property rights. He felt that the Spanish–American War fostered political unity, and believed that a moral victory and an advance in civilization would be compensation for the devastation of World War I. White concluded that democracy in the New Era of the 1920s inevitably lacked direction, and the indifference to corruption of the [[New Deal]] baffled him. Nevertheless, he clung to his vision of a cooperative society until his death in 1944.<ref>Richard W. Resh, "A Vision in Emporia: William Allen White's Search for Community," ''Midcontinent American Studies Journal'' 1969 10(2): 19-35</ref> | | [[William Allen White]] was a leader of the Progressives in the 1900-1940 era who sought a viable moral order that would provide the nation with a sense of community. White recognized the powerful forces of corruption but called for slow, remedial change having its origin in the middle class. In the 'Heart of a Fool' (1918), White fully developed the idea that reform remained the soundest ally of property rights. He felt that the Spanish–American War fostered political unity, and believed that a moral victory and an advance in civilization would be compensation for the devastation of World War I. White concluded that democracy in the New Era of the 1920s inevitably lacked direction, and the indifference to corruption of the [[New Deal]] baffled him. Nevertheless, he clung to his vision of a cooperative society until his death in 1944.<ref>Richard W. Resh, "A Vision in Emporia: William Allen White's Search for Community," ''Midcontinent American Studies Journal'' 1969 10(2): 19-35</ref> |
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| | In December 2008, the Illinois governor [[Rod Blagojevich]], a Democrat, was impeached and removed by the state legislature on corruption charges, and also given a criminal indictment in federal court. He had attempted to sell [[Barack Obama]]'s vacant senate seat to the highest bidder, and threatened to withhold funding from a children's hospital.<ref>http://www.cnsnews.com/public/content/article.aspx?RsrcID=40593</ref> | | In December 2008, the Illinois governor [[Rod Blagojevich]], a Democrat, was impeached and removed by the state legislature on corruption charges, and also given a criminal indictment in federal court. He had attempted to sell [[Barack Obama]]'s vacant senate seat to the highest bidder, and threatened to withhold funding from a children's hospital.<ref>http://www.cnsnews.com/public/content/article.aspx?RsrcID=40593</ref> |
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| | ==Other countries== | | ==Other countries== |
| | ===Nazi Germany=== | | ===Nazi Germany=== |