U.S. "Party-switch" myth
The alleged U.S. "party switch" claim made by liberals and progressives over decades is a political hoax and conspiracy theory that attempts to smear the Republican Party. The narrative, which has been crafted with the help of Communists (who infiltrated the Democratic Party over the decades and who are known to lie, deceive, and engage in historical revisionism for the sake of being contrarian), typically assumes that the Democrat and Republican parties "switched sides" during the 1960s, where the Republican Party somehow became the party of "racists" and the Democrats suddenly becoming the "champions of civil rights." Many reputable historians and political scientists such as Carol Swain (see this video) and political commentators such as Bob Parks strongly agree that the parties did not switch sides, as the Democrats only switched strategies with Communist help.
While many modern leftists will note the liberal policies promoted by the Republican establishment for a while during the 1900s that dissipated in the 1960s to promote their myth, it's important to note the conservative roots of the early foundations of the Republican Party, as mentioned below. Leftists also falsely characterize President Dwight D. Eisenhower as a liberal Republican when he tended to favor conservative policies.
Some leftists including the extremist hate group Occupy Democrats imply that the current Republican Party models past racist Democrats in using racially charged baiting to maintain their voter base. This is false, as patriotic conservative Republicans since the party's foundation have consistently advocated for the same pro-civil rights, pro-human rights, pro-free market, pro-business, pro-tariff, and nationalist principles as well as emphasizing on individual responsibility. Furthermore, these liberal charges ignore the fact that the modern-day Democratic Party treats black voters in the same respect it regarded poor Southern whites in the past.
- 1 Civil Rights Acts
- 2 Southern strategy
- 3 Inconsistencies
- 4 Party platforms
- 5 See also
- 6 Notes
- 7 References
Civil Rights Acts
Civil Rights Act of 1957
Liberals often point to Lyndon B. Johnson's so-called advocacy for civil rights to push the myth. This was despite the fact that Johnson worked to water down the 1957 Civil Rights Act, weakening it down by removing the stringent voting protection clauses in addition to adding a jury trial amendment, which then-senator John F. Kennedy, joining segregationists at the urging of Johnson, voted for. The latter was to ensure that little to no progress on civil rights would be made in the South, as the jury would almost certainly acquit the defendant. Segregationist Florida senator George Smathers also helped Johnson's scheme.[Citation Needed] It was afterwards that the legislation was passed, in which Johnson then supported in the final Senate floor vote. It was reported that the Texas Democrat had referred to the legislation as the "n***** bill".
A strong advocate of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 was Republican William Knowland of California, who was mostly conservative and an ardent anti-Communist who voted against the censure of Joseph McCarthy. Knowland voted against measures supported by the majority of Democrats to water down the bill and ensured the legislation's passage in the Senate.
Civil Rights Act of 1964
One of the most important aspects of perpetuating this myth is the faux talking point surrounding the response by Southern Dixiecrats to the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The myth involves looking at a map of the 1960 Electoral map and comparing it to the 1964 Electoral map, all while ignoring the results of the 1968 Presidential Electoral map. Aided by leftist historians, one is supposed to see the Democrats winning the South in 1960, losing it in 1964, and concluding that this must be where the "party switch" took place.
For this myth to hold, Republicans should have won the South in as large of numbers in 1968 as in 1964, though they didn't. In the United States presidential election of 1968, Republicans lost almost the entirety of the South. Democrat George Wallace, running on a third party ticket, took a bulk of the Deep South and Republicans even lost Texas to the Humphrey/Muskie ticket.
Of the six Republican senators who voted against the final passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Goldwater (left), Hickenlooper (second from left), Cotton (center from right), and Simpson (right) were principled conservatives/libertarians who adamantly supported civil rights for blacks but opposed sections of the bill that would increase the size and scope of the federal government, despite leftist whitewashing that especially attempts to smear the Arizona senator as "racist". All of them voted for other civil rights legislation though tended to favor such measures on the statewide level rather than on the federal level due to concerns of an expanding federal bureaucracy.
So if there may have been some Southerners upset that the Civil Rights Act passed while blaming Democrats along the way, they would not have chosen as their home the Republican Party, who were the Act's greatest supporters. Of the 171 Republicans in the House in 1964, 136 of them voted for it. Of the 33 Republicans in the Senate, 27 of them voted for it. This is 79 percent of House Republicans, and 82 percent of Senate Republicans. It's furthermore important to note that all three Republican senators opposing the 1964 bill who were also in office during the 1957 Civil Rights Act (Barry Goldwater (R–AZ), Bourke Hickenlooper (R–IA), and Norris Cotton (R–NH)) had voted in favor of the latter. Most Northern Republican representatives (such as Harold Royce "H. R." Gross of Iowa) who voted against the 1964 Civil Rights Act had mixed records overall on civil rights (a number of them also supported the 1957 bill), while the Southern Republicans who voted against civil rights legislation were beholden to their constituencies over their party's support for civil rights.
On the Democrat side, 153 of 244 House and 46 of 67 Senate members voted yes. That is 63% of Democrat house members and 69% of Democrat Senate members. These numbers become even more bleak for the "party myth" idea when you compare the yes and no votes from Northern and Southern Democrats. Virtually every Southern Democrat voted against the Civil Rights Act, meaning that Southern voters had no reason to punish them. Additionally, while the bill was on the Senate floor it was the subject of filibustering from Southern Democrats for 57 days, the longest filibuster in U.S. history. It was a Northern Republican, Everett Dirksen of Illinois, who broke the filibuster. Dirksen was a noted conservative, along with then-House Minority Leader Charles A. Halleck, a prominent member of the Conservative Coalition who was also an advocate for the legislation. The two became famous during the time, with the Congressional Leadership Statement then being known as "The Ev and Charlie Show". Other conservative Republicans included Joseph W. Martin, a strong civil rights advocate from Massachusetts and leader of the coalition, though more moderate compared to Halleck; Leslie Arends; and Robert A. Taft.
The modern-day Democratic Party is mostly shaped by the party leadership of Lyndon Johnson, who made it much more liberal. Realizing that segregationists getting their way would destroy the party on a national level, he flip-flopped as president from his past opposition to civil rights in publicly announcing his support for and signing the 1964 Civil Rights Act; this ensured that the Democratic Party's history of racism could be whitewashed via deceit. Johnson, a racist who privately held a strong contempt for blacks, was purported by credible accounts to have once said:
|“||I'll have them n*****s voting Democratic for 200 years.||”|
Goldwater, Hickenlooper, Cotton, Simpson, and Mechem
Barry Goldwater, known for having been a staunch leader of the conservative wing of the Republican Party during the 60s, is often falsely smeared by liberals as a "racist" for having voted against the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Among such, NPR has propagated mischaracterizations of the Arizona senator that have been refuted. In contrast to whitewashing attempts by deceitful leftists, Goldwater was a strong proponent of civil rights, having voted in favor of the 1957 Civil Rights Act. He had also been a member of the NAACP at the time, and his only opposition to the 1964 bill came from his objections to Titles II and VII on a constitutional basis in opposing excessive federal government powers, stating:
|"It so happens that I am in agreement with the [anti-racial segregation] objectives of the Supreme Court as stated in the Brown decision. I am not prepared, however, to impose that judgment of mine on the people of Mississippi or South Carolina. . . . That is their business, not mine. I believe that the problem of race relations, like all social and cultural problems, is best handled by the people directly concerned . . . [and] should not be effected by engines of national power."|
Note that this represents Goldwater's firm view that federal and state powers as directed by the Constitution and Bill of Rights should be firmly upheld; while liberals claim he was supposedly a "racist", he merely differed from others such as Everett Dirksen in his preferred approach to enacting civil rights.
He asserted on the Senate floor on June 19, 1964:
I am unalterably opposed to discrimination or segregation on the basis of race, color or creed, or on any other basis; not only my words, but more importantly my actions through the years have repeatedly demonstrated the sincerity of my feeling in this regard.
I repeat again: I am unalterably opposed to discrimination of any sort and I believe that though the problem is fundamentally one of the heart, some law can help—but not law that embodies features like these, provisions which fly in the face of the Constitution and which require for their effective execution the creation of a police state. And so, because I am unalterably opposed to any threats to our great system of government and the loss of our God‐given liberties, I shall vote “no” on this bill.
This vote will be reluctantly cast, because I had hoped to be able to vote “yea” on this measure as I have on the civil rights bills which have preceded it; but I cannot, in good conscience to the oath that I took when assuming office, cast my vote in the affirmative. With the exception of Titles II and VII, I could wholeheartedly support this bill; but with their inclusion, not measurably improved by the compromise version we have been working on, my vote must be “no.”If my vote is misconstrued, let it be, and let me suffer its consequences. Just let me be judged in this by the real concern I have voiced here and not by words that others may speak or by what others may say about what I think.
Goldwater furthermore opposed and voted against an amendment introduced by Al Gore, Sr. (known as the Gore Amendment) to weaken the bill, yet liberals attack the Arizona senator rather than Gore despite the latter's record in opposing civil rights.
Senators Bourke Hickenlooper, Norris Cotton, and Milward Simpson voted against the final passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act for the same reasons as Goldwater. They were also strong conservatives who believed that while civil rights legislation was a priority and a necessity, parts of the bill would cause federal government overreach. Simpson previously had signed a civil rights bill as governor of Wyoming which outlawed segregation in the state.
Hickenlooper and Cotton had also voted in favor of invoking cloture to end the Southern filibuster on the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
The other non-Southern Republican senator to vote against the final passage of the Act, Edwin L. Mechem of New Mexico, stated that his opposition was towards the public accommodations and fair employment sections, saying they
...could assure the greatest assault on property ownership and private enterprise in this country has known.
John Tower/Ralph Yarborough
Some progressive historians including Kevin M. Kruse of Princeton University will note that the liberal Democrat U.S. senator Ralph Yarborough of Texas voted for the final passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 while his then-conservative[note 1] Republican colleague John G. Tower voted against it. Kruse excludes any mention of the Gore Amendment; Yarborough voted for the amendment while Tower voted against it.
|“||...the motion is merely another assault on title VI, which I believe is a good provision of the bill. I think that if we had en-acted a separate measure containing the provisions in title VI some time ago, we would not be asked to enact some of the other measures which we are asked to enact today. I believe that if people in the States and localities are going to accept Federal money and Federal support, they must not engage in any kind of discrimination which is contrary to Federal policy. Therefore I intend to vote against the motion of the Senator from Tennessee.||”|
For a more detailed treatment, see Southern strategy.
There are several myths surrounding the so called Southern strategy, most notably, out-of-context quotes taken from a taped interview with Lee Atwater. The full context of the interview thoroughly refutes liberal deceit that has been perpetuated by leftists.
- See also: Liberal logic
The myth of the parties "switching" is very inconsistent with actual U.S. history. The Republican Party only became much more right-wing during the 1910s, after Theodore Roosevelt and his Republican progressives at the time split with the Taft-supporting conservatives. The Democrat Party arguably (according to some) became much more left-wing during the 1930s during the New Deal coalition era. Progressives who brainwash youth in the modern-day education system, erase in history textbooks examples of certain racist liberals such as Hugo Black. They furthermore ignore the fact that many racist Democrats in the 30s were leftists who fervently supported the New Deal,[note 2] including Theodore Bilbo, Tom Connally, Claude Pepper,[note 3] Lister Hill, and John Sparkman. It should also be noted liberal Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt's support came strongest from the Deep South in his election/re-election victories.
- See also: Anti-lynching law
Despite insistence by leftists that the Democrat opposition to civil rights legislation (including anti-lynching legislation) was exclusively from "conservative"/Southern Democrats, it's important to note that the 1937 Gavagan-Wagner bill passed the House with opposition from both the Southern bloc in addition to 15 Northern Democrats. Of those who voted on the legislation by party, it got 96% support from Republicans and only 62% from Democrats.
In late July 1937, Senate Democrats successfully tabled an anti-lynching effort twice. On July 26, the Senate voted 41–34 to kill an anti-lynching amendment, with the "Yeas" including future Supreme Court justice Hugo Black and future Vice President Alben Barkley. Over a dozen Northern Democrats voted with the Southern bloc to kill the amendment. 61% of Democrats voted in favor of tabling.
Five days later, the majority of Senate Democrats (66% of them) voted yet again to kill the amendment in a 46–39 vote.
Racist New Deal leftists
The election of the deeply racist Democrat Woodrow Wilson (who had Southern roots) to the presidency in 1912 and re-election in 1916 led to a rise in Southern progressive Democrats who were internationalists/globalists. They were opposed the isolationism and nationalism of many conservative Republicans, a fact that modern-day progressives have covered up to whitewash important details of U.S. history.
Future president Lyndon Johnson was first elected to the United States House of Representatives from Texas' 10th congressional district as a liberal New Dealer and an ardent supporter of then-president Franklin D. Roosevelt. Johnson had opposed every civil rights measure in his first two decades in Congress, even anti-lynching legislation. In his 1948 Senate campaign against governor Coke R. Stevenson in the primary, he asserted in a speech:
|I have voted AGAINST the so-called poll tax repeal bill; the poll tax should be repealed by those states which enacted them. I have voted against the so-called anti-lynching bill; the state can, and DOES, enforce the law against murder.|
Mississippi Democrat senator Theodore Bilbo was an epitome of left-wing racism; he was a virulent, vitriolic demagogue who justified lynching and was a member of the Ku Klux Klan. During his 1940 re-election bid, Bilbo called himself:
|"...100 percent for Roosevelt ... and the New Deal."|
|"...a real friend of liberal government."|
In late January 1938, southern senators Tom Connally, Richard Russell, Jr., Walter F. George, and Claude Pepper filibustered an anti-lynching bill to prevent it from passing in the Senate. All four were pro-New Deal liberals/leftists; Connally was a pro-Roosevelt New Dealer, Wilsonian progressive and globalist; Russell was mostly a New Dealer; George voted for a number of New Deal programs; Pepper was regarded as a longtime champion of liberal causes throughout his political career.
Hill political machine in Alabama
For several decades, the single-party Democrat politics of Alabama was dominated by the political machine of Lister Hill, a longtime segregationist senator from the state. According to the Encyclopedia of Alabama:
|“||From the New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt until the beginnings of the civil rights era, the Hill machine convinced Alabama's overwhelmingly white electorate to vote based on their economic needs; as a result, Alabama was often described as the most liberal state in the Deep South.||”|
While Hill wasn't a demagogic agitator in the manner of race-baiters like George Wallace, he nonetheless consistently opposed civil rights legislation to appeal to the racism of many voters in his state in order to maintain political power. Along with other prominent politicians from Alabama (including John Sparkman and William B. Bankhead), he appealed to left-wing economics/big government policies which racist whites during the time backed.
Despite referred to erroneously by many leftists as a "conservative Democrats", segregationists Richard Russell, Jr. and Walter F. George mostly favored liberal policies as a U.S. senators.
Some moderately liberal, progressive segregationist Democrats have been misleadingly labeled as "conservative Democrats" by modern-day leftists which whitewash their voting records. One example is Richard Russell, Jr.; despite some outlets including HISTORY calling him a "conservative", Russell supported a number of liberal, big government policies. While he was fiscally conservative in terms of budget and spending evident in his previous tenure as governor of Georgia, Russell still backed the Tennessee Valley Authority, rural electrification programs, and other federal government programs, being the chief sponsor of the National School Lunch Act.
Segregationist Allen J. Ellender has also been labeled as a "conservative Democrat" despite having taken several liberal/progressive positions as a senator. Even a biographer who insists he was "essentially a conservative" admits the following:
|“||[Ellender] supported progressive legislation in areas such as education, public housing, censorship, and the separation of church and state. He was also one of the first senators to criticize his colleague Joseph McCarthy.||”|
Ellender, an opponent of McCarthy's investigations of communist infiltration within the U.S. government, voted in favor of the censure against the Wisconsin Republican. He also advocated closer relations with the Soviet Union, downplaying the threat of communism.
Sen. Walter F. George of Georgia, like Russell, has been dubbed by some sources as a "conservative". However, those sources admit that he mostly backed the New Deal during his tenure, only breaking from Roosevelt after 1937. George furthermore was an internationalist (globalist) on foreign policy like most establishment Democrats of his time whose rise to power stemmed from the presidency of racist progressive Woodrow Wilson.
Former West Virginia senator Robert Byrd, once an Exalted Cyclops of the Ku Klux Klan, has been labeled by some sources as a "conservative Democrat" despite his more liberal positions and the fact that he began his political career campaigning heavily as a New Dealer. Even after professing to regret his racism, Byrd still used the n-word. While a Klansman, he wrote to the notorious segregationist demagogue Theodore Gilmore Bilbo:
|I shall never fight in the armed forces with a Negro by my side. Rather I should die a thousand times, and see Old Glory trampled in the dirt never to rise again than to see this beloved land of ours become degraded by race mongrels, a throwback to the blackest specimen from the wilds.|
South Carolina lieutenant governor, governor, and U.S. senator Ernest "Fritz" Hollings has been described by some leftists as having been "conservative"; similar to Sen. Richard Russell, he was fiscally conservative though held a mostly liberal record on social issues.
With respect to the 1960s and the era when the parties are rumored to have "switched sides" en masse, a review of the senators and governors at the time tells a completely different story. Since the end of Reconstruction in 1874 and 1967, Arkansas had no Republican governors; in the 53 years after 1967, Republicans have only occupied the governorship for 17 years. In fact, since the founding of the GOP until 2020, Republicans have only occupied the governors office in Arkansas for 21 out of 152 years. During the 93 years of an unbroken string of Democrat governors from 1874 until 1967, Democrat terrorists committed at least 237 known lynchings.
It should be noted that the Congressional districts representing eastern Tennessee and northwestern Arkansas, during the Democrat "Solid South" days, voted reliably Republican and have since before the Civil War; as examples, the two Congressional Districts of Tennessee representing eastern Tennessee have voted Republican in every Congressional election since before the Civil War (with the exception of the 1st District electing a Democrat twice in the 1870's; the 2nd District's voting record is unbroken). This is because both areas were mountainous and thus not suited to plantation farming and the accompanying Democrat slave power. The shift in party loyalty from Democrat to Republican within the rest of the South had no change on party loyalty in these areas; they remain solidly Republican.
Voting record analysis
Additionally, below is are tables showing the votes of Southern Democrat senators and congressmen on the Civil Rights Act in addition to their political leaning. Many of those served for years both before and after the Act. Looking at the senators table, only one switched parties, and did so due to disenchantment toward the Democrats over racially-motivated Great Society programs and preference toward big government. Moreover, where Democrats did have their terms in office come to an end, for any number of reasons, their successors were also largely Democrats.
It was not until the Republican Revolution of 1994 that for the first time in modern American History the Republicans held a majority of Southern congressional seats, a full three decades after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. As the South became less racist, it became more Republican.
|Southern Democrat senators|
|State||Name||Vote||Political leaning||First took office||Left office||Joined Republicans?||Successor's party affiliation|
|Alabama||Lister Hill||Nay||Liberal||January 11, 1938||January 3, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|John Sparkman||Nay||Liberal||November 6, 1946||January 3, 1979||Never||Democrat|
|Arkansas||J. William Fulbright||Nay||Liberal||January 3, 1945||December 31, 1974||Never||Democrat|
|John McClellan||Nay||January 3, 1943||November 28, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Florida||Spessard Holland||Nay||September 25, 1946||January 3, 1971||Never||Democrat|
|George Smathers||Nay||Moderate liberal||January 3, 1967||January 3, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|Georgia||Richard Russell, Jr.||Nay||Moderate liberal||January 12, 1933||January 21, 1971||Never||Democrat|
|Herman Talmadge||Nay||Moderate||January 3, 1957||January 3, 1981||Never||Republican|
|Louisiana||Allen J. Ellender||Nay||Moderate liberal||January 3, 1937||July 27, 1972||Never||Democrat|
|Russell Long||Nay||Moderate liberal||December 31, 1948||January 3, 1981||Never||Democrat|
|Mississippi||James Eastland||Nay||January 3, 1943||December 27, 1978||Never||Republican|
|John Stennis||Nay||November 5, 1947||January 3, 1989||Never||Republican|
|North Carolina||Sam Ervin||Nay||Moderate liberal||June 5, 1954||December 31, 1974||Never||Democrat|
|Benjamin Jordan||Nay||April 19, 1958||January 3, 1973||Never||Republican|
|South Carolina||Olin D. Johnston||Nay||Liberal||January 3, 1945||April 18, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Strom Thurmond||Nay||November 7, 1956||January 3, 2003||September 16, 1964||Republican|
|Tennessee||Albert Gore, Sr.||Nay||Liberal||January 3, 1953||January 3, 1971||Never||Republican|
|Herbert Walters||Nay||August 20, 1963||November 3, 1964||Never||Democrat|
|Texas[note 4]||Ralph Yarborough||Yea||Liberal||April 29, 1957||January 3, 1971||Never||Democrat|
|Virginia||Harry F. Byrd||Nay||Moderate conservative||March 4, 1933||November 10, 1965||Never||Democrat[note 5]|
|Absalom Robertson||Nay||Moderate||November 6, 1946||December 30, 1966||Never||Democrat|
|West Virginia||Robert Byrd||Nay||Liberal||January 3, 1959||June 28, 2010||Never||Democrat|
|Jennings Randolph||Yea||Moderate liberal||November 5, 1958||January 3, 1985||Never||Democrat|
|Southern Democrat congressmen|
|State||Name||Vote||Political leaning||First took office||Left office||Joined Republicans?||Successor's party affiliation|
|Alabama||George Andrews||Nay||March 14, 1944||December 25, 1971||Never||Democrat|
|Carl Elliott||Nay||January 3, 1949||January 3, 1965||Never||Republican|
|George Grant||Nay||June 14, 1938||January 3, 1965||Never||Republican|
|George Huddleston, Jr.||Nay||January 3, 1955||1965||Never||Republican|
|Robert E. Jones, Jr.||Nay||January 28, 1947||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Albert Rains||Nay||January 3, 1945||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Kenneth Roberts||Nay||January 3, 1951||January 3, 1965||Never||Republican|
|Armistead Selden||Nay||January 3, 1953||January 3, 1969||1979||Democrat|
|Arkansas||Ezekiel Gathings||Nay||January 3, 1939||January 3, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|Wilbur Mills||Nay||January 3, 1939||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|James Trimble||Nay||January 3, 1945||January 3, 1967||Never||Republican|
|Oren Harris||Nay||January 3, 1941||February 3, 1966||Never||Democrat|
|Florida||Robert Sikes||Nay||January 3, 1941||January 3, 1979||Never||Democrat|
|Charles E. Bennett||Nay||January 3, 1949||January 3, 1993||Never||Republican|
|Claude Pepper||Yea[note 3]||Liberal||January 3, 1963||May 30, 1989||Never||Republican|
|Dante Fascell||Nay||January 3, 1955||January 3, 1993||Never||Democrat|
|Albert Herlong||Nay||January 3, 1949||January 3, 1969||1985||Democrat|
|Paul Rogers||Nay||January 3, 1955||January 3, 1979||Never||Democrat|
|James A. Haley||Nay||January 3, 1953||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat (switched to Republican in 1984)|
|Billy Matthews||Nay||January 3, 1953||January 3, 1967||Never||Republican|
|Don Fuqua||Nay||January 3, 1963||January 3, 1987||Never||Democrat (switched to Republican in 1989)|
|Sam Gibbons||Nay||January 3, 1963||January 3, 1997||Never||Democrat|
|Georgia||George E. Hagan||Nay||January 3, 1961||January 3, 1973||Never||Democrat|
|John L. Pilcher||No vote||February 4, 1953||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Elijah Forrester||Nay||January 3, 1951||January 3, 1965||Never||Republican (since 1964)|
|John Flynt||Nay||Conservative||November 2, 1954||January 3, 1979||Never||Republican|
|Charles Weltner||Yea||Moderate||January 3, 1963||January 3, 1967||Never||Republican|
|Carl Vinson||Nay||November 3, 1914||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|John Davis||Nay||January 3, 1961||January 3, 1975||Never||Democrat|
|James Russell Tuten||Nay||January 3, 1963||January 3, 1967||Never||Democrat|
|Philip Landrum||Nay||January 3, 1953||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Robert Stephens||Nay||January 3, 1961||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Louisiana||Felix Edward Hébert||No vote||January 3, 1941||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Hale Boggs||Nay||Liberal||January 3, 1947||January 3, 1973||Never||Democrat|
|Edwin Willis||Nay||January 3, 1949||January 3, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|Joseph D. Waggonner||Nay||December 19, 1961||January 3, 1979||Never||Democrat|
|Otto Passman||Nay||Moderate conservative||January 3, 1947||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|James Hobson Morrison||Nay||Liberal||January 3, 1943||January 3, 1967||Never||Democrat|
|Theo A. Thompson||Nay||January 3, 1953||July 1, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Gillis Long||Nay||Liberal||January 3, 1963||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Mississippi||Thomas Abernethy||Nay||January 3, 1943||January 3, 1973||Never||Democrat|
|Jamie Whitten||Nay||November 4, 1941||January 3, 1995||Never||Republican|
|John Bell Williams||Nay||January 3, 1947||January 16, 1968||Never||Democrat|
|William Arthur Winstead||Nay||January 3, 1943||January 3, 1965||Never||Republican|
|William Colmer||Nay||March 4, 1933||January 3, 1973||Never||Republican (since 1972)|
|North Carolina||Herbert C. Bonner||Nay||November 5, 1940||November 7, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Lawrence Fountain||Nay||January 3, 1953||January 3, 1983||Never||Democrat|
|David Henderson||Nay||January 3, 1961||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Harold Cooley||Nay||July 7, 1934||December 30, 1966||Never||Republican|
|Ralph Scott||Nay||January 3, 1957||January 3, 1967||Never||Democrat|
|Horace Kornegay||Nay||January 3, 1961||January 3, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|Alton A. Lennon||Nay||January 3, 1957||January 3, 1973||Never||Democrat|
|Basil L. Whitener||Nay||January 3, 1957||January 3, 1969||Never||Republican|
|Roy Arthur Taylor||Nay||June 25, 1960||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|South Carolina||Lucius Mendel Rivers||Nay||January 3, 1941||December 28, 1970||Never||Democrat|
|Albert Watson||Nay||January 3, 1963||January 3, 1971[note 6]||June 15, 1965||Republican (since 1962)|
|William Dorn||Nay||January 3, 1951||December 31, 1974||Never||Democrat|
|Robert Ashmore||Nay||June 2, 1953||January 3, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|John McMillan||Nay||January 3, 1939||January 3, 1973||Never||Republican (since early 1960s)|
|Tennessee||Joseph E. Evins||Nay||January 3, 1947||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Richard Fulton||Yea||January 3, 1963||August 14, 1975||Never||Democrat|
|Ross Bass||Yea||January 3, 1955||November 3, 1964||Never||Democrat|
|Thomas J. Murray||Nay||January 3, 1943||December 30, 1966||Never||Democrat|
|Robert A. Everett||Nay||February 1, 1958||January 26, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|Clifford Davis||Nay||February 14, 1940||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Texas||Joseph R. Pool||Nay||January 3, 1963||July 14, 1968||Never||Republican|
|John Wright Patman||Nay||March 4, 1929||March 7, 1976||Never||Democrat|
|Jack Brooks||Yea||January 3, 1953||January 3, 1995||Never||Republican|
|Lindley Beckworth||Nay||January 3, 1957||January 3, 1967||Never||Democrat|
|Herbert Ray Roberts||Nay||January 30, 1962||January 3, 1981||Never||Democrat (switched to Republican in 2004)|
|Olin Earl Teague||Nay||August 24, 1946||December 31, 1978||Never||Democrat (switched to Republican in 1983)|
|John Dowdy||Nay||September 23, 1952||January 3, 1973||Never||Democrat|
|Albert Richard Thomas||Yea||January 3, 1937||February 15, 1966||Never||Democrat|
|Clark Thompson||Nay||August 23, 1947||December 30, 1966||Never||Democrat|
|James Jarrell Pickle||Yea||December 21, 1963||January 3, 1995||Never||Democrat|
|William Poage||Nay||January 3, 1937||December 31, 1978||Never||Democrat|
|James C. Wright, Jr.||Nay||January 3, 1955||June 30, 1989||Never||Democrat|
|Graham Purcell, Jr.||Nay||January 27, 1962||January 3, 1973||Never||Republican|
|John A. Young||Nay||January 3, 1957||January 3, 1979||Never||Democrat|
|Joseph Kilgore||Nay||January 3, 1955||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Omar Burleson||Nay||January 3, 1947||December 31, 1978||Never||Democrat|
|Walter E. Rogers||No vote||January 3, 1951||January 3, 1967||Never||Republican|
|George Mahon||Nay||January 3, 1935||January 3, 1979||Never||Democrat (switched to Republican in 1985)|
|Henry B. González||Yea||November 4, 1961||January 3, 1999||Never||Democrat|
|Ovie Clark Fisher||Nay||January 3, 1943||December 31, 1974||Never||Democrat|
|Robert R. Casey||Nay||January 3, 1959||January 22, 1976||Never||Republican|
|Virginia||Thomas Downing||Nay||January 3, 1959||January 3, 1977||Never||Republican|
|Porter Hardy||Nay||January 3, 1947||January 3, 1969||Never||Republican|
|Julian Gary||Nay||March 6, 1945||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
|Watkins Abbitt||Nay||February 17, 1948||January 3, 1973||Never||Republican|
|William Tuck||Nay||April 14, 1953||January 3, 1969||Never||Democrat|
|John Marsh||Nay||January 3, 1963||January 3, 1971||1980s||Republican|
|Howard W. Smith||Nay||Moderate||March 4, 1931||January 3, 1967||Never||Republican|
|William Pat Jennings||Nay||January 3, 1955||January 3, 1967||Never||Republican|
|West Virginia||Harley Staggers||Yea||January 3, 1949||January 3, 1981||Never||Republican|
|John M. Slack, Jr.||Yea||January 3, 1963||March 17, 1980||Never||Democrat|
|Kenneth Hechler||Yea||January 3, 1959||January 3, 1977||Never||Democrat|
|Maude Elizabeth Kee||Yea||July 17, 1951||January 3, 1965||Never||Democrat|
Many progressive revisionist historians try to point to Senator Strom Thurmond as proof to their claim of some mass "party switch". However, because Thurmond (in addition to Rep. Albert Watson of South Carolina) was among very few who did, he is an outlier. Conversely, several notable Senators remained as Democrats well into the 1970s. Two were Albert Gore, Sr. and J. William Fulbright, the latter of which was a mentor to future President Bill Clinton.
Some liberal sources including The Guardian and Vox Media attempt to deceptively whitewash the historical context of the 60s by claiming that the issue was much more attributed to region than party, showing statistics that Northern Democrats were more supportive of civil rights than Northern Republicans and likewise for the South. However, it's important to note that there were a relatively small number of Southern Republicans during the time in contrast to a higher proportion of Southern Democrats, deeming such an outlook entirely misleading; indeed, 72% of the votes against the 1964 bill were from Democrats. Furthermore, as the Republican Party barely held any significant political power in the South during the time, the congressional Republicans in the area who opposed civil rights were mostly outliers compared to the party's overall strong backing of civil rights.
A few of the Southern Republicans who voted against the 1964 bill were from districts which traditionally elected pro-civil rights GOP representatives. For instance, James Quillen, who voted against the 1964 bill, was from the same district which once elected the strongly pro-civil rights Brazilla Carroll Reece. Kentucky Republican Eugene Siler who voted against the final passage of the Act had previously supported the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960 in addition to the 24th Amendment.
The Vox Media video furthermore promotes downright propaganda in implying that the early Republican Party began to ignore blacks just decades after the formation of the party for sheer big business interests, despite the fact that the party consistently fought on the national level for civil rights.
- See also: Democrat plantation
- See also: Democratic party
Despite sleazy left-wing smears, it is important to note that the first Republican Party platform in 1856 advocated "inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" in the idea that it applied to everyone and not just some. In addition, it stressed the violations of due process, the right to bear arms, the right to freedom of speech, all that were "done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of the present National Administration". It also rejected rule by the sheer mighty, scoffing it as shameful and dishonoring.
Important notes to mention about the similarities between the Republican Party at the time of its foundation and in its present day are more numerous than many liberal Democrats would like to admit. Founded as a party opposed to slavery on the basis of universal human rights regardless of certain physical traits and characteristics, Republicans continue using the argument in the present day against abortion (see: Slavery and abortion). In addition, many early Republicans had recognized the right to bear arms as being vital, including black anti-lynching advocates such as Ida B. Wells, who said:
|“||The lesson this teaches and which every Afro-American should ponder well, is that a Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home, and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to give.||”|
On the issue of trade, Republicans then supported economic protectionist measures and higher tariffs on foreign goods, as similar to the current economic nationalist wing of the Republican Party today led by Donald Trump. The early Republicans criticized polygamy in their first party platform as well, calling it a "twin relic of barbarism", similar to their opposition to the homosexual agenda today.
- Tower later became a Moderate Republican in the 1980s.
- While several Southern Democrats broke from FDR and joined the Conservative Coalition, it was a relatively smaller number.
- While Pepper later voted for civil rights legislation as a member of the House, he nonetheless opposed civil rights and advocated for white supremacy as a senator.
- Note: Texas only had one Democrat senator in 1964; after Johnson resigned to become vice president, William Blakley was appointed as the interim. He lost in the 1961 special election to Republican John Tower, who would serve in the Senate until the mid-1980s.
- Byrd's successor, his son Harry F. Byrd, Jr., was a Democrat who switched party affiliation to Independent in 1970 though was never a Republican.
- The seat was vacant for several months in 1965 because Watson resigned and ran in the special election to the same position after switching parties.
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- JPEG Image
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